scholarly journals The position of the public opposition parties press toward the economical situation in Iraq (1946-1954 A.C)

2017 ◽  
Vol 221 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-103
Author(s):  
Assis. PhD. Saad Mohammed Ali Hussien

The Iraq remained until the end of the second War World 1945 suffered from the bad political economy of British , and its impact on Iraqi economy, this reflects on the public status for Iraqi categories, furthermore on economic activities didn’t achieve any progress and remained Iraqi in cycle of undeveloped , and as try to absorb this curse , the Iraq government with guide of British  permitted  and allowed  the Iraqi’s parties to exist, this matter make them tried  to be against these phenomena through using press and consider it as political demands of Iraqi’s people and construct their economy. The research divided into two sections , the first section deals with economic conditions in Iraq since the British invasion until the end of Second War World. The second section involves the  attitude of public press of  opposition political parties toward these conditions for period 1946-1954.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Ilic-Krstic ◽  
Aleksandra Ilic-Petkovic

The adoption of the code of ethics of engineering in the 21st century should involve putting public interest above all others. However, in market economy collective interest is not in the foreground. In the foreground are placed particular interests of employers, i.e. multinational companies. The degradation of the environment and endangering life on Earth, brought about a new philosophy in form of sustainable development, which should include the adoption of the Code of Ethics that puts the public interest above individual, especially when it comes to economic activities. The economy and the environment are equally important for sustainable development in terms of ethics. Engineers have an ethical dilemma that arises from the conflict of ecological and economic conditions of their work. In this article, scientific approach of professor Sharon Beder on this issue is presented. Key words: engineers, ethics, engineering ethics, sustainable development


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Silvia Marcos García ◽  
Nadia Viounnikoff-Benet ◽  
Andreu Casero Ripollés

Over the last few years, social networks such as Facebook and Instagram have become the preferred places for political communication. On the one hand, politicians have incorporated them into their strategy as a channel through which they can share their messages. On the otherhand, users have a space where they can take part and show their interest in political issues. This paper examines posts on Facebook and Instagram by the main Valencian political parties and their respective leaders in the election campaign. We analysed the nature of the content and users’ ‘likes’ to reveal the functions and themes of the most popular posts and the use made of visual resources and interaction tools. The results show that the positioning taken by politicians influences the content getting the most ‘likes’. While supporters of opposition parties are most pleased by critical messages, followers of pro-government parties prefer messages that focus on management success. At the same time, items focusing on social policies and election campaign issues are those that generate the most ‘likes’ among the public. Visual aids (such as photographs and videos) and hash tags and links help boost users’ approval.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 464-470
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

The article is devoted to the general patterns of political parties formation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. They were preceded by proto-party organizations that were far from being ideologically monolithic. Under the conditions of rapid differentiation of political forces, the existing alliances were often accidental and situational. They hung on to the legacy of the pre-revolutionary era, when the public was just “learning” to talk about politics, and the boundaries between different ideological structures were quite rather relative.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Ewa Skrabacz

AbstractConstituting the key element of a democratic system, political parties are among entities obliged by the Polish legislator to comply with the principle of disclosure by providing public information. The main objective of this paper is to determine the level of Polish political parties’ disclosure, understood here as their willingness to disclose information on their own structures. It seems that the practice of disclosing such basic organizational data may constitute a specific measure of Polish political parties’ respect for the idea of disclosure. The subject matter of the conducted research was particular parties’ sites in the Public Information Bulletin as well as their official websites. An attempt was made to acquire data concerning party structures by way of direct contact with particular parties’ organizational units – questionnaires were sent to both central and regional/district organizational units. In order to acquire a wider perspective, the research also included data provided by the Central Statistical Office concerning political parties’ organizational structures and election manifestos. The conducted analysis was summarized in the form of a ranking of the examined political parties based on a proposed political party disclosure index. This attempt to measure disclosure on the basis of data on internal structures provided by parties themselves is of a preliminary character which, nevertheless, makes it possible to capture the general properties of the phenomenon under analysis. Among the examined parties, it is PSL, SLD, and PO that, to an acceptable degree, follow the principle of disclosure in the analysed scope (indexes at the level of 60%-80% of the maximum value). Four other parties, i.e. N, Wolność, Razem, and Kukiz’15, are on the edge of the zone making it possible to regard their disclosure as sufficient (indexes at the level of around 50% of the maximum value). In the case of PiS, whose index does not reach 20% of the maximum value, it should be concluded that this party implements the principle of disclosure at a minimum level. The ranking did not show relationships between parties’ willingness towards providing information and their sizes or positions on the political scene (parliamentary parties vs. extra-parliamentary parties).


2017 ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Nicolás Gómez Núñez

En tres breves capítulos, el artículo pone a disposición las ideas básicas que cruzan la reflexión sobre las actividades económicas que las personas realizan en condiciones de pobreza, destacándose la preocupación sobre si estos desempeños pueden constituirse en alternativas de crecimiento económico a nivel local o si ellas son actores que inciden en las políticas públicas que organizan los supuestos del desarrollo.Palabras clave Actividades Económicas Autogestionadas / Autonomía / Capacitación / Desarrollo Endógeno.Abstract:In three brief chapters, the article displays the basic ideas that intersect the reflection on the economic activities that people perform in conditions of poverty, standing out the concern whether these performances can constitute in alternatives of economic growth at the local level or whether they are activities that affect the public policies which organize the theories of development.Key words Self-managed economic activities / Autonomy / Training / Endogenous Development


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


Author(s):  
E.V. Troshina

In modern conditions of market relations and a labour market the great value as the public status of the worker varies, character of its relations to work and conditions of sale of a labour is given to selection and hiring of shots especially.


Author(s):  
Elin Haugsgjerd Allern ◽  
Tània Verge

How parties structure their interaction with social groups is a key determinant of their capacity to provide linkage between the institutions of government and the public at large. This chapter investigates the extent to which modern political parties use formal measures to connect to relevant societal interests and strengthen their anchorage in society. The analysis centres on parties’ use of formal rules governing affiliation and representation to link with externally organized interests and parties’ establishment of sub-organizations with representation rights within the party. The chapter authors develop and test several hypotheses concerning cross-country and within-country sources of variation in formal linkage and test them empirically. In addition, they examine whether formal status and representation rights shape parties’ ability to represent descriptively the associated latent social interests focusing on the case of women and ethnic minorities.


Author(s):  
Zaad Mahmood

This is one of key chapters of the book presenting the argument of partisan government. This chapter interrogates the subnational variation in labour reforms through partisan governments and suggests regional political economy as critical to shaping orientation of partisan governments. It critically analyses the existing party-based interpretation of reform and shows that it is the instrumental interest assuaging the interests of support base that explain government orientation to labour reform. Through a caste/class analysis of political parties, the chapter highlights that significant business support and socio-economically homogeneous dominant support base characterize states with greater market flexibility. In contrast, when the dominant support base of party is heterogeneous and wide, the pace of reform is significantly muted. Partisan configuration—the socio-economic support base of government—determines not only the orientation of policies but also the interrelation between government and various interest groups in society.


Author(s):  
Anna Killick

Some political economists explain the apparent downplaying of the importance of economic issues in political events such as Brexit with reference to the growing anger or despair people on low incomes feel about the economy. This ‘everyday political economy’ article draws on an ethnographic study conducted between 2016 and 2018 with residents of an English city to explore what people think about the phenomenon of the economy. It reveals significant differences in how interested high- and low-income participants are in the economy and its role as a bedrock for welfare. Low-income participants are more negative about the economy, particularly contesting politicians’ claims that it is distinct from the human sphere, when they view it as controlled by the rich. However, reasoning is based on post-2008 crisis economic conditions, and any lack of interest in the economy may be more calculative and temporary than is often assumed.


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