scholarly journals Reform and modernization in the Ottoman Empire

2018 ◽  
Vol 226 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Teacher Shahin Siham AbdulRazaq

     The boundaries of the Ottoman Empire span several centuries on a vast expanse, across the ancient continents of the world, with different races, diverse peoples and multiple faiths, and the Ottoman Empire was one of the forces that influenced the course of international politics at the time, and then it was weakened by the political balance and administrative, which was governed by the laws of the sultan between the central authority on the one hand, and those who carry out that policy from Baswat and Pikatagwat... and others on the other hand. The weakness is growing in state institutions and despite repeated attempts by some sultans to restore power and prestige to the body of the sprawling empire, it has achieved little or nothing. The first reformist calls were inspired by the spirit and principles of Islam in remedying the imbalance, and the reformers advocated the necessity of applying Islamic law within the various institutions, to return to its prosperous past, and on that basis the pioneering attempts were based on Islam and its basic principles at a stage where it did not expand The Ottoman Empire in the European-style quotation, as the European superiority was not as impressive as the Ottomans and pushed them to quotation, and the Ottomans were preparing themselves a major state during the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth century, and during that stage many of the leaders of the movement tried Reform in the Ottoman Empire, doing self-reliant reforms not on the quotation from the West, including Shaykh al-Islam Saad Eddin Effendi, Osman II, Murad IV and others.       The nature of the research required it to be divided into an introduction, six axes and a conclusion, the first axis addressed the beginning of the Ottoman retreat since 1683, and the signs of weakness experienced by the Ottoman state, as well as the emergence of European supremacy during that era, and the emergence of a number of early Ottoman reformers and their role in the beginnings The reform process. The second theme was devoted to the ways in which they showed Salim III in the reform, which led to his eventual execution, and the third axis was devoted to the study of the reign of Sultan Mahmud II at an important stage of the nineteenth century, with the appearance of a number of eminent personalities in Egypt and Iraq, as well as some changes of Europe. The fourth axis touched upon the Ottoman organizations, the efforts of a number of Ottomans and their influence on Western culture, which led to the promulgation of a number of important decrees (orders), including the line of Sharif kolkhanf in 1839 and the decree of Humayun in 1856, and a number of laws including the Land Law of 21 April 1858 The law of the Tarabo of 14 January 1859, as well as the state law of 1864, and its interpretation in the stabilization of the new correctional grounds.     The fifth axis dealt with a brief presentation of the results of the movement of Ottoman organizations, and its influence in the Arab States, especially the state of Baghdad, and devoted the sixth (last) to the features of the Iraqi reformist Midhat Pasha, the most important administrative works in the state of Baghdad, as well as giving a brief presentation Of the subsequent changes to the reign of Medhat Pasha until the early 20th century. In conclusion, we tried to show the most important conclusions reached through the research hubs, seeking reference to several related sources including a number of research and university messages as well as the use of the International Information Network (Internet), and these sources can be identified through the margins Search or list of sources.  

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
Marta Baron-Milian

The article constitutes an attempt at analysing futurist pronatalist discourse, on the basis of the manifestos and artistic praxis of the Futurists. The reproduction postulates, prevalent in the works of the Polish Futurists and usually placed in the context of vitalism, characteristic of the 1920s, are shown from a biopolitical perspective, emphasizing the intersection of the biological with the political and social horizons. The author attempts to trace especially the political entanglements of the “population project” of the Polish Futurists, which turns out be marked by numerous paradoxes, situating itself between the pronatalist rhetoric typical of nationalistdiscourse (on the one hand, the discourse promoted by F.T. Marinetti, and on the other, the one formulated in Poland directly after regaining independence) and thinking in terms of a community which starts from the material functions of the body. In this second context, the reproduction postulates are not only an attack on bourgeois morality, but are closely connected with the futurist critique of all social institutions and the state apparatus with its biopolitical dispositions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Paulina Codogni

The article discusses the phenomenon of hunger strikes which are considered to be an example of strategies and tactics of nonviolent struggle. The resistance is based on a conscious refusal to eat food which causes the political matter against which the protest is directed to become an existential matter. Everyday actions, such as eating, take on a different meaning. The same happens with the meaning of the act of political contestation. On the one hand what can be seen is the embodiment of politics and on the other the politicization of the body. The article also showcases a number of historical and contemporary examples of hunger strikes and tries to find the answer whether hunger strikes are an effective method of political resistance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (35) ◽  
pp. 38-51
Author(s):  
Marţian Iovan

Abstract The author analyzes in this paper principles and ides of philosophy of law issued by Mircea Djuvara, which preserve their contemporaneity, being useful for the perfecting of the state institutions and of the democracy not only at national level, but also at European Union one. His ideas and logical demonstration on the rational fundamentals of law, the autonomy of the moral and legal conscience, the specificity of truth and of juridical knowledge, the philosophical substantiation of power and Constitution, the principles of the democracy and the connections between the political power and the law are just few of the original elements due to which Djuvara became an acknowledged and respected personality not only in Romania, but also in the experts clubs of the Europe between the two World Wars.


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-68
Author(s):  
Meirison Alizar ◽  
Qasim Muhammadi

The tolerant spirit of Islam has inspired Ottoman rulers to adopt policies relating to non-Muslim citizens. The leadership crisis in the Ottoman Empire and the Western interests through capitulation have changed judicial system in the empire, including the system for non-Muslims that allows them to conduct their own judiciary and provide absolute freedom of religious matters. Tanzimāt, which is expected to bring improvements to the legislation system in Ottoman Empire, has marginalized Islamic law which is only enforced in aḥwāl al-shakhṣiyyah. Sultan Abdul Hamid II tried to maintain Islamic law by codifying Western European style. Some legal codifications contain qawāid fiqhiyyah (principles of Islamic law) which are sourced from the books of the Hanafi School of jurisprudence, and some others adopt Western laws by taking a few opinions of Islamic jurisprudence. This study analyzed various literatures related to policies towards non-Muslim citizens in the Ottoman era. The study uses descriptive and qualitative methods with a content analysis approach. Broadly speaking, this study found that the Ottoman Empire had given good treatment to non-Muslim citizens. The non-Muslim citizens get various facilities from the State, including the establishment of special institutions that handle their own affairs, although at the same time they have been used by Western countries to support their interests in Ottoman Empire.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Sánchez-Seco López

En el contexto de una obra mucho más amplia y en ciernes, que propone como único sistema plenamente legítimo aquél cuyo cuerpo político viene constituido por la totalidad de habitantes del planeta, es conveniente traer a colación la filosofía política y económica de George Soros, porque aporta una visión muy diferente a la aplicada por los endiosados economistas que no supieron ver con antelación la Gran Recesión global en la que seguimos inmersos. La relación entre la realidad y el pensamiento es clave en el sorismo, como también lo es la distinción entre los diversos tipos de ciencias. La hipótesis de la eficiencia en los mercados también es cuestionada, junto con el concepto de equilibrio en economía, la incertidumbre y la falibilidad. También se acomete la crítica del fundamentalismo de mercado y a las propuestas regulatorias. Y todo en el contexto de una globalización económica poco política.Within the context of a much wider and developing piece proposing as only fully legitimate system the one the body politic of which is composed of the totality of inhabitants on the planet, it is convenient to bring to us the political and economic philosophy of George Soros for it adds a very different vision to that applied by the deified economists who could not in advance see the global Great Recession in which we keep on living. The relation between reality and thought is key within Sorism, as it is the distinction amongst the several kinds of sciences. The Efficient Markets Hypothesis is also put into question side by side with the concept of equilibrium in Economics, uncertainty, and fallibility. The critique of market fundamentalism is also implemented as well as the regulatory proposals. And all of it taking place within the context of a scarcely political but very economic globalisation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Daniela Popescu

"The Escape to Turkey. Ways and Methods of Illegal Border Crossings into Turkey from the perspective of SSI documents (1945-1948). Romania`s first years after the communist regime took political power in Romania, concurrent with the onset of the Cold War, meant a reshuffle of the state institutions at first and later a dramatic impact on people`s lives. The political and institutional purges were the first signal that soon repression and terror will follow, thus prompting numerous Romanian citizens to leave the country. Yet, due to the strict surveillance of the Secret Police Services which did not easily allow traveling to Western countries, the only way to escape was through illicit border crossings. One of the most common destinations was Turkey, with documents issued between 1945 and 1948 by the Secret police services revealing an impressive number of such cases. Keywords: Illegal border crossings, escape, communism, Romania, Turkey. "


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