scholarly journals The Perfection Of Organizational Bases Of Functioning Of The Institute Of Self-Government Bodies

Author(s):  
Gulnoza Ismailova ◽  

This article is devoted to the issues of the role of Mahalla in the development of society, strengthening the place and role of self-government bodies of citizens in political processes, turning them into a local structure that provides real support and assistance to the people, expanding the direct participation of self-governing institution in ensuring public order and security. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of self-government bodies. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of Mahalla, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Feruza Davronova ◽  

The purpose of this article is to study the image of socio-political activity of women, their role and importance in the life of the state and society.In this, we referred to the unique books of orientalists and studied their opinions and views on this topic. The article considers the socio-political activity of women, their role in the state and society, the role of the mother in the family and raising a child, oriental culture, national and spiritual values, traditions and social significance of women


Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This chapter draws upon the evidence presented in the book and provides four broad conceptual points. First, it argues that the institutional change is a result of an incremental, slow-moving process of ‘ideas’ emerging endogenously from within the state resulting in a ‘tipping point’. Second, it points towards the role of ideas within the state. Third, it shows the complementarity of the State and society and stresses on the significance of an epistemic network. Fourth, the influence of global norms is acknowledged but needs to be seen in conjunction with the endogenous socio-political processes at the domestic level. These arguments tie the chapters together conceptually and provide a roadmap for future research on the subject.


Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This Chapter examines the processes around state and society, traces the role of social networks outside the state realm, and conceptualizes these processes as the complementarity of state and society, where strong ideational linkages led to the formation of an ‘epistemic network’. These processes played a significant role in the final phase of the enactment of the Right to Information Act. The period covered in this chapter coincides with the latter half of the second phase. This chapter establishes that mainstream politics converged with the emerging socio-political processes led by the elite within the social movement, judiciary, the press, bureaucracy, and the academia. This convergence needs to be viewed as one of state–society synergy, where the collective ‘epistemic push’ of actors from both within the state and society ‘tips over’ the institution from ‘secrecy’ to ‘openness’.


Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Ali Murtadho

<p>Tax discourse in the context of the modern state will always be attractive along with the shifting orientation, purpose and function of the state that not only maintains public order and public security -nachwakersstaat - but the state must be able to present a prosperous condition -verzogingstaat or welvarsstaat- in the midst of its people. This gives consequences to the state in taking responsibility for the welfare of its people. Tax is one of the instruments used by the state as capital to carry out the welfare mission levied from the people, on the people's mandate as well as taxes are then distributed. The construction of thought in this peaper is based on the benefit aspect of the function and role of the tax.  The value of tax benefits as keywords in the utilization of taxes that synergize with the basic values maslahah mursalah or maqashid shari'ah (Islamic law)</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdurrahman Konoras

Changes in legal development occur because the law and society are dynamic. Changes in the private law have implications for the strengthening of internal control functions that replace external control functions. Developmental changes in the modern private law are closely related to the changing societies and ruling regimes, which strengthen the role and participation of the people on the one hand, and the diminishing role of the state on the other is inseparable from modernization and democratization within the state and society itself. The contract law, labor law, and consumer protection law are subject to changes arising from the strengthening of internal control functions that replace external control functions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 5 analyzes Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship. Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship was part of his broader criticism of positivism and its inability to effectively respond to the instabilities mass democracy wrought on the state and constitution. Positive laws, including constitutional amendment procedures, could themselves become threats to the fundamental commitments of public order. The suspension of positive laws might be justified. Schmitt argued dictatorship was a necessary final bulwark against this sort of revolutionary threat. The dictator, as guardian of last resort capable of acting outside positive law, could become necessary for a state to survive internal enemies. Yet, although dictatorship could suspend positive law, Schmitt argued it did not suspend the fundamental public order of the state and constitution—a distinction positivism was unable to recognize. This chapter concludes with an analysis of Schmitt’s discussion of the role of the president as guardian of the constitution.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


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