scholarly journals Political Values in the European Post-Soviet Space: Identity and Sovereignty in the Face of Integration Processes

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-647
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Pankevich

The article analyzes the intergation processes in the post-Soviet space and shows that their direction is determined by the competition of states in a specific organizational field of political values. The effectiveness of the governments in this field depends directly on their ability to switch between the political values of the country and universal aggregations. This ability is becoming a key attribute of the empirical sovereignty of the state today. It is shown that in the conditions of asymmetric integration into the EU space in post-socialist countries and insufficient integration in the former Soviet republics, the accomplishment of this function requires specific institutional adaptations: differentiation between buffer mechanisms responsible for communication with external value systems, and the core that holds the deep value complexes of the community. The stability of the organizational bundle of state sovereignty and identity, the specifics of its functionaries in the post-Soviet space are described as giving the Russian Federation an opportunity of value action, focused on the population of post-Soviet and post-socialist countries and bypassing communications with pro-European-oriented and subordinated power apparatuses.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gurgen Levonovich Ghukasyan

In the new foreign economic conditions that have arisen as a result of a significant deformation of the cyclical dynamics of the world oil market, the views on the model of the socalled “rentier state” and “rentier economy” that apply to oil exporting countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and also to the states of the post-Soviet space, including the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, are of certain interest. For these states, in the face of declining oil export revenues, the question of changing the “rentier model” of development is relevant. At the same time, the recommendations of foreign authors are not acceptable in many aspects, but their analysis allows us to approach problems of overcoming the “raw nature” of the economy more comprehensively.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Larisa Noroc ◽  
Alexandru Noroc

The article discusses the issue of frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space. According to the author, conflicts are a product of the disintegration of the USSR, the declaration of the independence of the former union republics and the adoption of the direction of foreign policies for European integration. In most cases, the conflicts are artificial, because the ex-Soviet space is considered the sphere of interest of the Russian Federation, and the secessionist regions are interested in maintaining subordination to Moscow. Failure to resolve conflicts leads to the consolidation of the status quo in the territories. Resolving the Transnistrian conflict, but also other conflicts in the ex-Soviet space requires the internationalization of the process by actively attracting G-7 states, UN structures, the EU and the internationalization of peacekeeping missions. An important requirement for the Republic of Moldova is the change of the political class, which will want to solve the problem of territorial integrity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-270
Author(s):  
Igor Olegovich Trubitszyn

The author made an attempt to study the role of the descendants of the nobility in the new socio-economic and political realities of Russia at the end of the XX - first decades of the XXI century. The author focuses on the processes of recreation and subsequent activities of noble societies. The basis of the source base was a series of interviews with the descendants of the nobility living in the territory of the Russian Federation and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. The research identified the stages of development of the noble organizations, the main aspects of their activities. A comparative analysis was carried out with the pre-revolutionary noble corporate organization, which made it possible to characterize the main ideals of this social group and to make a comparative analysis with the value system of the class of the pre-revolutionary period. The range of problems faced by noble societies in modern Russia is highlighted. The results of the study can be used to comprehensively characterize the activities of corporations of the nobility in Russia, as well as the activities of the descendants of the nobility in the modern world.


Author(s):  
L. S. Voronkov

On the basis of analysis of integration processes between Nordic, Benelux countries and post-soviet states in Europe the author expresses hesitations in accepting the integration experiences gained by the EU as the criterion of efficiency and the pattern for the post-Soviet space. He does not consider that an involvement of all countries with market economy into processes of regional integration, if they do not try to achieve certain political aims through integration, is the universal regularity in the globalized world. In these cases neither free trade zones nor custom unions can be considered as integration stages, but they continue to be the tools for further development of trade. The author proposes to assess the EU evolution with regard to the legal norms of international organizations, where state sovereignty of members is strengthened, not given up to supernational bodies. In case the idea of reestablishment of an unified state on the remains of the former USSR, linked to the necessity to hand over the recently acquired sovereignty to it, is laid down to the ground for practical measures of integration, this kind of integration will hardly be attractive to the potential post-Soviet participants. This perspective is hardly desired for Russia either. The integration path of the EU reflects the peculiarities of the European situation and specific interests of its member states. Many details of the EU activity are not applicable to other integration groupings in Europe and membership criteria in every of them is not universal. Any efforts to construct integration processes in the post-Soviet space in accordance to the EU model without proper consideration to integration experiences of other countries and to political, economic, social, cultural, demographic, military peculiarities of the countries concerned seem to be not acceptable and founded.


Author(s):  
Evgeny Petrischev

The relevance of this article is determined by the need to identify and concretize the challenges and threats to the regional security of the post-Soviet space and the national security of modern Russia. One of the insuffi ciently studied aspects of the modern theory of international relations is the problem of fi nding an adequate answer to the external information and psychological impact on the national interests of the Russian Federation in its “near abroad”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-213
Author(s):  
Mark Dawson

Abstract The rise in Europe of populist movements has created severe anxiety about the stability of the EU legal order. This article argues that, while populist ideas challenge numerous elements of the EU’s constitutional settlement, there exists no fundamental incompatibility between populism and EU law. By comparing its response to populism with attempts by EU law to stabilise its legal order in the face of political contestation arising from other political cleavages, the article discusses three different ways to understand the interaction between EU law and populism. EU law may seek to ‘survive’ the growth of populism by (i) bracketing or insulating its institutions from populist contestation, (ii) accommodating populist ideas or (iii) confronting the constitutional strategies populists utilise domestically. In examining the constitutional foundations of populism and its relation to emerging doctrines of EU law, the article seeks to build a road map of how populist movements might utilise or resist EU law in their development.


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