scholarly journals Eurasian idea and cinema of Russian avant-garde

Author(s):  
Liana V. Popova

The paper traces connections of the works by Eurasian and Russian avant-garde directors Dzigа Vertov and Vsevolod Pudovkin. With this purpose it addresses сinematic creations of mentioned authors and teachings of Eurasian movement, especially by N. S. Trubetskoy. In his opinion, to analyze Russian history, one must take into account the geographical, political and economic components. He paid special attention to the geographical factor. The population of Russia-Eurasia includes various “human races”: both Slavic and Finno-Ugric peoples, as well as Turkic and Mongolian peoples. The Turan element occupies a significant part of the territory. Genghis-khan united all nomadic tribes under his sway and introduced Asian statehood in Russia. Moscow Rus form the basis of the Russian Empire after joining it former Golden Horde`s uluses. The views of N. S. Trubetskoy largely correlate with the ideas of avant-garde activists. The creations of the directors of the Russian avant-garde are also associated with the Asian theme. Eurasian ideas soaked up Soviet directors` minds and translated into culture, as well as into cinematic culture. Representatives of Russian avant-garde including D. Vetrov associated with futurists, LEF magazine and representatives of formal school, who in their turn were connected with Eurasians (R. Yakobson, for example). Eurasian teachings and avant-garde representatives` perceptions have common roots to be highlighted in Russian history. The scientific novelty of this study which involved comparative method is due to identifying similarities between them.

Author(s):  
Svetlana V. Bukalova ◽  
Pavel P. Shcherbinin

We describe emerged in the Russian Empire an organizational basis of support for the First World War invalids. The policy of charity for military invalids generated with the participation of official, public and charitable elements. We reveal the complex relationship between the main actors in this process – one of the “crown” charity committees (Special Commission of Grand Duchess Xenia Alexandrovna), the Central bodies of the County Union and the Union of Cities, and local self-government. Using archival materials, the main guidelines for creating a war-mutilated charity system are identified. We determine the leading approaches to the architecture of the state and public system of support to former military personnel who have lost their working ability. In addition, we discuss in details the topic of war-mutilated registration, which was sup-posed to be the first stage of building a national system of care for war invalids, but it was never carried out. We also focus on the financial aspects of supporting military invalids. We conclude that the system for the war-mutilated charity could have become the first fully implemented direction of state social policy in Russian history, but it failed to realize its potential due to political contradictions between the official government and liberal associations.


Author(s):  
A. Puzyrkova

During 1900–1910, there was a process of intensive cooperation and mutual enrichment between artists in Western European artistic centers and representatives of the Ukrainian and Russian avant-garde. At the same time, the avant-garde, both in Europe and in the territory of the Russian Empire, forms its own face and features that are reflected in the specificity of the artistic expression of specific groups and trends. The art of the 1900–1910 became a turning point in the history of avant-garde in Europe and in the Ukrainian lands, finally affirming the irreversibility of the phenomenon of avant-gardism. The avant-garde movements evolved rapidly during the period from 1900 to 1930, however, despite certain differences in manifestations, the revolutionary gains of cubism, expressionism and futurism became the foundation of the entire Ukrainian avant-garde. The publication, using examples of cubism, futurism and expressionism, which, deriving from European centers, laid the foundation for the artistic expression of the Ukrainian, as well as Russian avant-garde – cubofuturism, suprematism, constructivism, scrutinizes the features of the avant-garde on Ukrainian territories in the European context. For the first time, it is focused on the differences between the manifestations of Cubism, Futurism, and expressionism in the Ukrainian and European avant-garde. There is a lack of formed groups and program documents of cubism, futurism, and expressionism in the Ukrainian fine art of the 1900-1910, with absolute domination of these areas of artistic expression and formulation. It focuses on the specific manifestations of the Ukrainian and Russian avant-garde that emerged on their base, as well as on the specific manifestation of the Ukrainian avant-garde, the neoprimitivism, which includes the school of Mykhailo Boichuk. The publication emphasizes the importance of suprematism in the Ukrainian avant-garde as a classical avant-garde movement, which had such distinct features as breaking with tradition and well-formed ideological principles outlined in the program documents, which was generally not typical for the Ukrainian avant-garde in the fine arts. As it is known, even the ideological foundations of cubofuturism were not clearly formed by its representatives, Oleksandr Bohomazov and Oleksandra Ekster. It is possible to speak of a formed and declared platform only with respect to the Ukrainian literary avant-garde, where it were the futurists who most clearly positioned themselves.


Author(s):  
Andrey P. Elchaninov ◽  

Тhe article examines the main provisions of the Russian legislation and international treaties of the Russian Empire in the second half of the XIX century, govern the extradition of persons who committed crimes on the territory of Russia for their conviction in a state, which citizens they are, and also Russian citizens who have committed crimes in foreign countries, to condemn them in Russia. The use of the historical-comparative method allowed the author to conclude that the main provisions of the extradition of criminals to foreign countries, formulated by domestic lawyers in the second half of the XIX century, served as the basis for the development of this legal institution in modern Russia.


Author(s):  
Alla Shadrina

Introduction. This article deals with a pressing problem of historical science: the analysis of the social status of the parish priesthood in the South of Russia, and its transformations on the example of the Don Host region. Methods and materials. Some pre-revolutionary regional research works, as well as some published and unpublished materials, are used as references. This article is based on sets of documents of central and regional archives, most of which being introduced scientifically for the first time ever. The methodological basis for this article is made up of the principles which are traditional for this type of research: scientific objectivism, systematic approach and historicism, and the general scientific method of structural and functional analysis that allowed to determine the social position of the priesthood in the regional community of the Don region. Being guided by the historical and comparative method allowed revealing and specifying the peculiar conditions of the priesthood in the Don region against the background of the changes in the cultural and historical situation. Analysis and Results. By the middle of the 17th century, being part of the Don Host, the local priests had acquired a status that made them really different from priests of other provinces of the Russian Empire, for they only reported to the army authorities and were considered to be part of the Cossack community, without having any signs of making an independent estate. Since the establishment of the independent Don and Novocherkassk Diocese in 1829, the priesthood became subordinate to the diocesan archbishop, that allowed to speak about the initial stage of the formation of the priesthood and its social status that corresponded to it. In the period of the reforms introduced by emperor Alexander II, aimed at improving the social status of the parish priesthood of the Russian Empire, the social status of the Don priesthood, due to the completion of integration into the all-Russian practice, significantly increased and got unified with the all-Russian social status. The highest point of development of the social status of the Don priesthood is the time of existence of the All-Great Don Host (1918–1919), which, in accordance with its peculiar ideology, provided the priesthood with exclusive rights and privileges in conditions of the Civil war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Sara Pankenier Weld

An ‘enlightened despot’ who ruled the Russian empire as an absolute autocrat despite a tenuous claim to the throne, Catherine the Great embodied innumerable paradoxes during her long reign. This article examines the little-known fairy tales Catherine wrote for her grandsons to reveal the possible and impossible child she posits, envisions and instantiates through her writings for a young audience. Placing these works in a broader intellectual and historical context illuminates the paradoxes of the impossible infans she cultivates as part of an Enlightenment project and reveals how Catherine's writings for children (re)enact a kind of repossession of the child. Catherine's treatment of childhood within and without her texts reflects her ideological aims as a writer, ruler and matriarch. In addressing and attempting to instantiate an impossible child, whether an enlightened subject of her empire or an ideal absolute monarch of the future, Catherine reveals paradoxes that contrast with the reality of vulnerable young individuals in the historical record. These real children from the annals of Russian history offer an illuminating contrast for the impossibly idealised child protagonists constructed by Catherine's writings for children and shed light on the ideological context in which her treatment of childhood is embedded.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willis Brooks

“The history of Russia is the history of a nation that colonized itself.”Russia's greatest historian has affirmed that the expansion of Russian rule, particularly its method, is of fundamental significance in understanding the course of Russian history, and the establishment of Russian power in the Caucasus has attracted as much scholarly attention as any other region where Russian imperialism spread in the last two centuries. Russia's finest literary figures, scholars of the most divergent bent, Russian participants in the conquest and, of course, native inhabitants themselves have examined geographic, political, military and economic, as well as cultural and other factors that would explain how the many non-Slavic peoples of this strategically critical region were incorporated into the tsarist empire. From such a literature a lengthy list of quite diverse tactics are testimony to the deep concern Russian leaders had about integrating its divergent societies in the Caucasus into the Russian empire. The tsarist ideal was stated in the simplest language when Nicholas I endorsed a report in 1833 that would force the native inhabitants of the Caucasus to “speak, think, and feel Russian.” Not surprisingly, one of the striking qualities of the tsarist, Soviet and, to a great degree, Western literature is that it often focuses, as does this essay, on the frustrations Great Russians experienced while attempting to conquer, pacify and assimilate the multi-ethnic peoples of the Caucasus within the Russian-dominated empire. In addition, while charting the demographic vagaries of the Caucasus most scholars have concentrated on the creeping in-migrations of Cossacks and others from the internal Russian provinces and on the relocation of mountain tribesmen (gortsy) from their inaccessible villages (auly) to valley floors where watchful Russians could “civilize” them. What is strikingly absent from such literature, part of what this essay attempts to provide, is an examination of the policy considerations that led to such decisions, particularly in the post-Crimean War period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 149-172
Author(s):  
Sylwia Hlebowicz

The Kven People have lived in the North Cape area since ancient times. The first account of the Cwenas is to be found in Ohthere’s of Hålogaland account, which dates back to 890 C.E., and describes the existence of peoples living in Cwena land in the north of Sweden. Kven people are said to be descendants of Finnish peasants and fishermen who emigrated from the northern parts of Finland and Sweden to Northern Norway. The tax books from the sixteenth century indicate clearly that the Kven people lived permanently in the area of the Gulf of Bothnia. The Kvens were well integrated, and perceived as a valuable workforce. Still, tempestuous Russian history combined with Finnish dependency on the Russian Empire backfired on the perception of the Kvens in Norway, as they were seen as a menace to national security. As a result, they were made to go through a very strict assimilation process from the nineteenth century onwards. After WWII, their situation became somewhat better, but it still left much to be desired, since they were thought to collaborate with the USSR. The wind of change started to blow in 1996, when the Kvens were granted minority status in Norway, and in 2005 the Kven language was recognized as a minority language in Norway.


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