Promoting the archives of the Alliance: a case study of outreach at the NATO Archives*

Comma ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-96
Author(s):  
Nicholas Nguyen

Following the institutionalization of the Policy on the Public Disclosure of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Information in 2008, the NATO Archives tasked itself to regularly exhibit publicly disclosed NATO documents, video, audio, photos, publications and artifacts to promote the increasing accessibility of its collection. The success of these exhibitions, which were all initially displayed at NATO Headquarters in Brussels, led not only to a boost in the visibility of the NATO Archives within the organization, but also resulted in their expansion as part of the promotional activities of the Alliance itself, leading up to its 70th anniversary celebrations in 2019. This paper presents an overview of the outreach activities of the NATO Archives, discussing its origins and evolution in an institutional context, highlighting its role in communicating the mission of the NATO Archives and, by extension, of NATO itself. While this case study illuminates a specific experience that is heavily determined by the political and security demands of its particular environment, the resulting narrative is intended to be broadly applicable and perhaps even inspirational for archivists who recognize similar challenges at their respective international organizations.

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 398-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Rowbottom

AbstractThis article looks at the public disclosure of political donations as a case study to examine the role of transparency in addressing concerns about undue influence and corruption. The article will explore three issues. The first is to understand what it means to say that a political donation is corrupt. There is considerable disagreement on the ethics of political fundraising and this article will show how public opinion has a role in setting the standards expected of politicians. The second issue is what role the public disclosure of political donations plays in deterring and detecting corruption. While the disclosure requirements were introduced to promote greater trust in politics, it will be argued that increases in transparency have fed a growing culture of mistrust. The logic of the transparency requirements also requires the free public discussion of particular political donations and related ethical issues. The third issue is how that process of free discussion can come into tension with rights to privacy and reputation. The article will explore how the attempts to reconcile the different areas of law both reflect and shape the political culture.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 1075-1076

At a meeting in Warsaw on January 19–20, 1965, the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty Organization adopted a communiqué condemning proposals for a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) multilateral force (MLF). Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Rumania, and the Soviet Union were represented at the meeting by their respective Prime Ministers and Foreign and Defense Ministers and by the First Secretaries of their Communist Parties. Albania, although invited, did not send a delegation on the ground that the meeting had been convened without prior consultation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Poehls

More and more museums all over Europe are discovering migration as a topic for exhibitions. These exhibitions on migration question notions of objectivity or of European universalism. This article looks at a broad range of recent exhibitions and museums that address the topic of migration. Taking into consideration their varying scope and institutional context, this text argues that exhibitions on migration tell several stories at once: Firstly, they present stories of migration in a certain city, region or nation, and within a particular period of time. For this purpose, curators make extensive use of maps – with the peculiar effect that these maps blur what seems to be the clear-cut entity of reference of the museum itself or the exhibition. To a stronger degree than other phenomena that turn into museal topics, ’migration’ unveils the constructed character of geographic or political entities such as the nation or the European Union. It shows how, hidden below the norm of settledness, mobilities are and have always been omnipresent in and fundamental for European societies. Secondly and related to this, exhibitions on migration add a new chapter to the meta-narrative of museums: implicitly, they challenge the relevance of the nation - specifically, of both the historical idea that initiated the invention of the public museum (cf. e.g. Bennett 1999) and the political fundament of European integration today. They provoke questions of settledness, citizenship, or contemporary globalisation phenomena that are equally implicitly put on display. The consequent effect is a blurring of the concept of the nationstate. Finally, migration as a museal topic conveys a view on how the institution of the ’museum’ relates to such a fuzzy thing as mobility, thus provoking questions for further research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-383
Author(s):  
Tineke Strik

This article analyses the role of NGOs in the decision-making process of EU legislation on asylum and migration. It shows that during the first phase NGOs struggled to benefit from the Europeanisation of migration policy. The Commission and European Parliament were the most receptive to the lobbying activities of NGOs but they had only little influence themselves. NGOs faced many difficulties in being able to follow and influence the Council negotiations. As the institutional context of that time had made the Council extremely powerful, the final outcome of the ngo lobbying was close to zero. Their shift towards outsider tactics by using their moral authority did not mobilise the public either. The Europeanisation of asylum and migration nevertheless provides NGOs with additional avenues to use their expert and logistical authority. The current institutional context has strengthened their possibilities, though the political climate and the revival of intergovernmental methods constrain their success.


1999 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Fernandes da Silva

This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Waikeung Tam

Political blogs have played an increasingly more important role in Hong Kong politics. However, research on this topic remains scarce. This analysis examines how political bloggers in Hong Kong used their blogs to participate in politics through a detailed content analysis of 960 political blog articles published on two major news websites – House News Bloggers and Speak Out HK – during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. This study found that “soapbox” stood out as the most popular function hereof, as political bloggers on both ends of the political spectrum actively used their blogs to influence the legitimacy of the Umbrella Movement in the public discourse. A substantial number of blog articles from House News Bloggers also included the functions of “transmission belt,” “informing readers,” and “mobilising political action.” Finally, only a small proportion of the articles from House News Bloggers and Speak Out HK included the function of “conversation starter.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
NARAYANA MAHENDRA PRASTYA

This article discuss about case study on how Indonesian Football Association (Indonesian FA) give their respond to do the Public Information Disclosure. Indonesian FA than express their objection to the demand. Indonesian FA choose as the object in this case, as a representative of non-governmental public organization. This article use Indonesian FA statement related to the Public Information Disclosure, that posted on official website www.pssi.org. Then I use frame analysis Robert N.Entman model as a analytical tool to the statement. The results show that there are two factors that cause Indonesian FA objection. First is structural factor that came from the Indonesian Public Disclosure Act and Act related to the management of football federation. The second is cultural factor that non-governmental public organization in Indonesia, in general, not accustomed to public disclosure obligation.  Tulisan ini mengambil studi kasus bagaimana Persatuan Sepakbola Seluruh Indonesia merespon tuntutan untuk Keterbukaan Informasi Publik. Keputusan Komisi Informasi Pusat (KI Pusat) bahwa PSSI harus menerapkan praktek Keterbukaan Informasi Publik mendapatkan keberatan dari pihak PSSI. Permasalahan pun berbuntut panjang hingga sampai di persidangan tingkat Mahkamah Agung. PSSI dipilih sebagai objek penelitian guna mengkaji bagaimana badan publik non-pemerintah memahami Keterbkaan Informasi Publik. Data dalam tulisan ini menggunakan pernyataan-pernyataan yang disampaikan PSSI melalui website www.pssi.org berkaitan dengan keputusan KI Pusat. Pernyataan tersebut kemudian dianalisis menggunakan framing model Robert N.Entman. Analisis menunjukkan terdapat kendala struktural dan kultural. Faktor struktural datang dari peraturan yang berkaitan dengan PSSI dan peraturan di UU KIP itu sendiri. Sedangkan faktor kultural berkaitan dengan kondisi badan publik non-pemerintah yang tidak terbiasa menghadapi tuntutan keterbukaan informasi.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Bob Barnetson

In 2002, approximately two thirds of school teachers in the Canadian province of Alberta went on strike. Drawing on media, government and union documents, this case study reveals some contours of the political economy of labor relations in education that are normally hidden from view. Among these features are that the state can react to worker resistance by legally pressuring trade unions and justifying this action as in the public interest. This justification seeks to divide the working class and pit segments of it against each other. The state may also seek to limit discussion and settlements to monetary matters to avoid constraining its ability to manage the workplace or the educational system. This analysis provides a basis for developing a broader theory of the political economy of labor relations in education. It also provides trade unionists in education with information useful in formulating a strike strategy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
Taberannang Korauaba

For more than 50 years, the governments of Kiribati have manipulated the affairs of the Broadcasting and Publications Authority (BPA). The authority runs a radio station and newspaper reaching the majority of the population of Kiribati. The interference is simply a warning to those  working for the authority that they do not have freedom to inform the public. In practice, the political opposition would oppose this interference, describing it as draconian and demanding more media freedom. But when the  opposition came to power, it would also restrict the work of  journalists. Thus reporters have often been caught in the crossfire between the politicians and are fearful of their future. Some journalists have been accused of being anti-government or sanctioning stories that embarrass the political leaders. This commentary explains—from the firsthand experience of this journalist—why in the digital era small Pacific nations such as Kiribati face a more fundamental issue: protecting the public’s right to know.


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