scholarly journals The viewers’ judgement about television reality narratives

Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manel Jiménez-Morales

This congress communication tries to develop a brief contents study about some of the paradigmatic reality programs with a qualitative analysis of their receipt. Hereby, it wants to study which are the main thematic topics that appear in this kind of programs across the representation of their contesters and which is the public opinion in the moment to pronounce sentence. Because under the decisions of the viewers’ telephone votes there is not only the luck of the competitors, but also the luck of our television and our own society point of view Sobre los concursantes de los programas de telerrealidad -como sobre la cabeza de Damocles durante el festín de Dionisio, el Viejo- se cierne el peligro de la muerte. La muerte como fin del relato, la muerte televisivamente hablando. No hay fin que no conozca causas y tras la eliminación de cada uno de los concursantes de los programas de convivencia, existen también determinados motivos más o menos consensuables. Aunque a veces abstractos y escasamente aprehensibles, a grandes rasgos se pueden convenir unas pautas de comportamiento en los concursantes que generan simpatía o antipatía al público, aprobación o rechazo. A nadie escapa, por ejemplo, que aquellos concursantes que ocupan una posición de víctima suscitan a menudo la conmiseración del público, o que los espectadores tienden a castigar la infidelidad conyugal de los concursantes dentro de sus lugares de encierro o aislamiento. No es una ciencia exacta, por supuesto, pero los juicios morales de los telespectadores tras la trayectoria de un lustro de estos programas, empiezan a mostrar unas constantes ante los estereotipos que se someten, temporada tras temporada, a la hipervigilancia de esas cámaras. Sobre la esfera pública planean unos personajes que representan -muchas veces de manera esquemática por el maniqueísmo que con el que habitualmente se muestran- un determinado conflicto de orden social. Sus relatos ponen sobre la mesa temas como las diferencias de clase, la desigualdad y los roles en la pareja, la homosexualidad, el racismo, la competitividad y un largo etcétera de los que se deriva un juicio del espectador y una manera de entender esa particular realidad y, por extensión, otras realidades más próximas a su vida cotidiana. Las normas del concurso, el verdadero veredicto, son ese enjuiciamiento que permite atisbar parte de la ideología de una proporción del público de estos programas. Los resultados no son extensibles a la totalidad de la audiencia, pero, en tanto que son el único elemento cuantificable de estos productos, devienen el único parámetro referencial sobre el que los demás espectadores conocen una realidad y la asimilan como tal. El resultado que se recibe del conjunto de las llamadas o mensajes telefónicos dicta unas valoraciones que hablan del propio público. Cuando un concursante se erige como ganador de uno de estos concursos, su victoria se relaciona también con las características de un conjunto de espectadores que ensalza unos valores por encima de los otros. Sin duda los efectos de la identificación y el autorreconocimiento en estos personajes resumen una actitud y unos criterios del espectador. Y, de ello, se deduce la manera cómo el público valora también los temas de carácter social que aparecen en dichos programas. Pero, discutible o no la calidad de estos programas, ¿existe un juicio de calidad no sólo ante esta televisión, sino también ante los problemas que aparecen en este tipo de relatos? Dada la proliferación de estos programas y la larga vida que se les augura, sería interesante analizar cuáles son los aspectos que se ponen en tela de juicio en estos programas y, sobre todo, cuáles son los dictámenes de esa audiencia. La presente comunicación pretende, pues, desarrollar un breve estudio de contenidos de algunos de los programas paradigmáticos de telerrealidad, juntamente con un análisis cualitativo de la recepción de los mismos. De esta manera, tiene la voluntad de estudiar en primer lugar cuáles son los tópicos temáticos que dominan este tipo de programas a través de la representación de sus protagonistas y cuál es el discurso de fondo del espectador en el momento de dictar sentencia. Porque bajo las decisiones de ese teléfono no sólo se halla la suerte de los concursantes, sino también la suerte de nuestra televisión y del criterio de nuestra propia sociedad.

Economica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
Liubov Aricova ◽  

The article is devoted to the study and analysis of practical views on the nature of the concept of positioning, highlighting the main features, determining the importance of the positioning process in the formation of the overall marketing strategy of the company. In today's market the winners are those who sets the strategic goals and competes with the use of theoretically justified from a scientific point of view of methods and techniques. The processes that ensure the creation of strong positions in the market are reflected in the methodological recommendations developed by the author for the positioning of the product. The effectiveness of the positioning strategy depends on identifying the correct and accurate target audience, analyzing competitors' organizations and predicting consumer behavior. All this allows to determine the strengths and weaknesses of the enterprise, as well as to find out the public opinion about this enterprise.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-106
Author(s):  
Jelena Todorovic-Lazic

The EU Summit in Thessaloniki in 2003 is often referred to as a milestone in the relations between the Western Balkans and the European Union because the region was given strong promises of a prospective European perspective through the Stabilization and Association Process. However, the initial enthusiasm that followed has melted over the coming years because the expectations of most countries in the region have not been met (with the exception of Croatia that became an EU member in 2013). Even though we get assurances from the Brussels that they will not give up on enlargement, it is obvious that this issue is not on the list of priorities of the EU at the moment. Not only that its decisiveness to encompass with enlargement the Western Balkans is on shaky grounds due to the numerous challenges that the EU is facing at the moment, but such decline in interest leads to a decline in interest in the countries of the mentioned region that are currently in the accession process. This further leads to the rise in Euroscepticism for which the Western Balkans is a breeding ground. The reasons for Euroscepticism existed even before the enlargement has been brushed aside from the Union agenda (those were mostly reasons related to pre-accession strategy for candidate countries/potential candidates and were present even in the case of countries of Eastern and Central Europe, even though there were also reasons specific for each of these countries.). However, it seems they have become stronger with the new developments in the Union. Incertitude of membership affects the rise of negative attitudes towards the Union in the public opinion of these countries which becomes manifest if we look at numerous public opinion polls. The focus of this paper will be the interpretation of the results of the research that the Institute for Political Studies conducted on an annual basis from 2015 to 2018.


2020 ◽  
pp. 15-19
Author(s):  
N.I. Rodzinskyi ◽  
D.S. Savchenko ◽  
M.H. Khaustova

The article is devoted to the problematic form and pressure of the public opinion. Basic attention is the theoretical aspects of understanding of public opinion as the legal and social phenomenon, as exactly due to a presence or absence of foregoing institute of civil society it is possible to talk about the state and level of democratization of society, taking into account active introduction of processes that provide access and participation of citizens in life of the state. A self concept «public opinion» though has the generalized interpretation and interpretation in a modern kind, however during all way of forming tested quite a bit transformations and modifications. The presence of different conceptions to understanding of the phenomenon of public opinion is first of all explained variety of looks to influence of actors on the origin of public opinion. Scientists in the doctrine of sociology and legal sciences examine public opinion as phenomenon of mass consciousness that has elemental character, a social institute, a social regulator, that brings in the effective contribution to the decisions of question, that touch activity of the state. For today three basic going was formed near understanding of public opinion as social and legal phenomenon – morally-normative that was based on public publicity and openness, approach, that was based not on subject composition, but on thematic, denying here influence of mass character on the process of forming of public opinion and approach demoscopy is fixed in basis of that – research the key aspect of that is realization of analysis of public opinion on the basis of quantitative data. The classic going near understanding of public opinion from the point of view of her nature is conception of V. Lipman, in basis of that influence of environment of existence of individual is fixed on the process of forming of public opinion. In this theory attention is accented on that a human is clearly limited to in informative space the capacity for perception of information, and that is why can not grasp her fully, however this factor plays role of positive factor of forming of public opinion, as it gives an opportunity more deep knowledge in certain industry, creating more organized public opinion that does not limit opinion of every individual here. As well as on any institute of direct democracy on public opinion certain functions – expressive, consultative, directive functions. Due to realization of foregoing functions public opinion there is cooperating of public with organs by the state of power, that it is counted on formation of original symbiosis, the aim of that is creation of positive terms for life of citizens, increase of level of democratization in society, to improve quality and efficiency of realization of the functions fixed on them power within the framework of legislation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Marta Pulido

En el siglo IV a. C. comienza el declive de la supremacía ateniense en Grecia derivado de las continuas luchas internas, el auge del imperio persa y la amenaza militar de una Macedonia fuerte conducida por Filipo II. En este contexto Demóstenes desarrollará, a través de sus Filípicas y sus Olínticas, la que puede ser considerada una de las primeras campaña de comunicación y relaciones públicas institucionales de la antigüedad, sustentada en la persuasión de la oratoria, para concienciar a la opinión pública a cerca de los peligros que el régimen autocrático macedonio representaba para los principios democráticos atenienses. A través de una revisión teórica fundamentada en el uso de fuentes secundarias, sobre todo bibliográficas, los resultados de este trabajo demuestran que la campaña desarrollada por Demóstenes contra Filipo II de Macedonia puede ser considerada como una de las primeras campañas estratégicas de relaciones públicas que, con una finalidad persuasiva, se sustentó en el uso intencional de la oratoria.________________________________In the 4th century B.C. it begins the decline of the Athenian supremacy in Greece derived from the continuous internal fights, the summit of the Persian empire and the military threat of a strong Macedonia led by Filipo II. In this context Demostenes will develop, through its Philippics and Olynthiacs, one of the first public relations campaigns of the antiquity, sustained in the persuasion of the oratory, to report to the public opinion about the danger that the autocratic Macedonian regime was representing by the democracy of Athens. Across a theoretical review based on the use of secondary sources, especially bibliographical, the results of this work demonstrate that the campaign developed by Demóstenes against Filipo II of Macedonia can be considered to be one of the first strategic campaigns of public relations that, with a persuasive purpose, were sustained in the intentional use of the oratory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sascha Michel ◽  
Steffen Pappert

AbstractFrom a linguistic point of view, this article deals with election poster busting, a widespread practice in which the elements of the text type “election poster” and its text-image-combinations are alienated by processes of resemiotisation. In addition to a corpus-based typology of the practices used in this context, a qualitative analysis of case studies from the Bundestag election campaign 2017 shows that satirical-playful, thematic-discursive and successive (and thus complex) alienation practices are carried out during poster busting. Depending on the respective practices, this can lead to differently pronounced blend of text pattern, i. e. Textmustermischungen (Fix 2008a), which are characterized by a change in content and function. Thus, the function of CAMPAIGNING, which is written into the original poster, is surpassed by that of CRITICISING which not only questions the individual poster but also the communicative power relations in the public space.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511985514 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paromita Pain ◽  
Gina Masullo Chen

Analyzing President Trump’s Tweets ( N = 30,386) with the first tweet starting from 4 May 2009, this article looks at the nature of his conversations with the public and the building of public support for his candidacy, till he assumed office on January 2017. Drawing theoretically on deliberative democracy and technological populism as performance, this study, among the earliest to use interpretative qualitative analysis, reveals the different themes in his discourse, rather than only highlight specific attributes of his tweets. Our analysis shows that Trump tweets frequently and casts himself as a political outsider who can alone save America. His racist and sexist language with his confrontational style leaves no room for deliberative discourse. His messages may be populist in character, but they are aversive and uncivil and lack normative attributes of deliberation that one would expect in the leader of a powerful nation, such as the United States. These characteristics have been present in his tweets even as a private citizen. This research makes a new contribution to our understanding of how Trump uses Twitter, starting from before he emerged as a contender for the presidential office, and the discourses that emanate from his use of Twitter to make broader inferences about the messages the public is receiving from Trump.


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
SAMUEL POPKIN ◽  
IKUO KABASHIMA

In 2003 Ikuo Kabashima and Samuel Popkin invited Professors Masaki Taniguchi, Gill Steel, Susan Shirk, Jay Hamilton and Matthew Baum to join with them in charting a new path for research on the ways changing media are changing politics. In the last two decades, media studies have moved beyond claims of minimal effects by demonstrating how various characteristics of news stories–point of view (framing), connection to political offices (priming), emotional content, or causal implications– affect public opinion and voting. (Iyengar and Kinder 1987; Iyengar 1991; Sniderman, Brody and Tetlock 1991) Here we examine the ways in which changing communications technologies change the issue content of news consumed by the public and political competition within and between parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexey Vitalyevich Sumachev

The practice of artificially taking the life of a person suffering from an incurable disease and experiencing unbearable suffering as a result of this disease is traditionally called euthanasia. At the same time, such actions were evaluated and are currently evaluated ambiguously both from the standpoint of moral and legal. Accordingly, the issues of euthanasia (as well as causing death with the consent of a person in general) should be solved from the standpoint of their comprehensive research (not only from the standpoint of directly legal, but also from the point of view of philosophy, morality, religion, psychology, medicine). The article presents the data of our own research on the criminal-legal meaning of a person's consent to the death of another person. At the same time, it is stated that the public opinion of citizens is inclined to the non-criminality of taking the life of another person with his consent. In turn, experts-supporters of the legalization of euthanasia - along with arguments of a moral and moral nature point directly to the legal aspects. At the same time, the article states that the absolute prohibition of euthanasia (including any kind of deprivation of life with the consent of a person) is justified. Accordingly, it is concluded that the implementation of euthanasia should not exclude the criminality of the act, which, of course, is regarded as murder. At the same time, it is noted that for cases of deprivation of life in the implementation of euthanasia, legal rules should be provided for mitigating the reaction to the actions of the harm-causing agent.


2017 ◽  
Vol 234 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B Shoemaker

Abstract This article considers the nature and significance of public opinion about crime in the eighteenth century. Existing research suggests that a combination of increasing crime and the growth of printed literature about crime led to public anxieties which contributed to important changes in judicial and penal policy. The prominent role accorded to the media in these arguments has led some historians to adopt the concept of the moral panic to encapsulate this phenomenon. But this article argues that the impact of such panics on policy was limited, and we need to examine the issue of ‘panic’, and public opinion more generally, from the point of view of the participants, the public who were supposedly rendered anxious by the widespread negative reporting of crime in print. Based on extensive research into diaries and correspondence, the article presents new evidence about Londoners’ actual experiences of crime, what they read about it, and their responses to such reports, during periods of both the presence and absence of supposed moral panics. It suggests that actual experiences of crime were relatively rare, and that Londoners relied primarily on printed sources for their information about crime. Since those representations were actually very diverse, and were often read sceptically, public opinion was resistant to the efforts of ‘moral entrepreneurs’ to induce anxiety. Attitudes were shaped by a complex combination of printed representations, oral discussions, and personal experiences, all reflected through the prism of individual personalities. Consequently, neither individual experiences of crime, nor print culture, created sufficiently strong support for policy changes. Instead, Londoners focused on their ability to shape judicial outcomes through the exercise of discretion when dealing with individual criminals. There are reasons to believe that this individualised approach to crime changed in the nineteenth century, with the adoption of the idea of a ‘criminal class’


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 5930
Author(s):  
Ilaria Delponte

The relationship between the institutional (established in law) and non-institutional initiatives (not supported by law) that improve the public transport system is currently a debated topic. The purpose of this paper is to identify the most relevant aspects of this relationship during an emergency event, namely the paradigmatic case study of the collapse of the Morandi Bridge in Genoa, which occurred in August 2018. The investigation, according to a consistent methodology widely used in the literature, is made up of a selection of interviews with professional figures particularly involved in institutional structures, drawing on qualitative results, and compared with official statistics. The events that occurred in Genoa, during the phase of reorganization of the urban transport service and the circulation in the city, underlined how the response of citizenship is a crucial element, including from the governance point of view. Analytic and observational findings reveal that non-institutional initiatives smooth major criticalities where formal institutions can only produce sub-optimal transport solutions (because of the limited means they own by virtue of the moment of emergency), providing evidence that the two modes of governance are absolutely complementary.


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