Unbundling Polarization

Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 1197-1233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Canen ◽  
Chad Kendall ◽  
Francesco Trebbi

This paper investigates the determinants of political polarization, a phenomenon of increasing relevance in Western democracies. How much of polarization is driven by divergence in the ideologies of politicians? How much is instead the result of changes in the capacity of parties to control their members? We use detailed internal information on party discipline in the context of the U.S. Congress—whip count data for 1977–1986—to identify and structurally estimate an economic model of legislative activity in which agenda selection, party discipline, and member votes are endogenous. The model delivers estimates of the ideological preferences of politicians, the extent of party control, and allows us to assess the effects of polarization through agenda setting (i.e., which alternatives to a status quo are strategically pursued). We find that parties account for approximately 40% of the political polarization in legislative voting over this time period, a critical inflection point in U.S. polarization. We also show that, absent party control, historically significant economic policies would have not passed or lost substantial support. Counterfactual exercises establish that party control is highly relevant for the probability of success of a given bill and that polarization in ideological preferences is more consequential for policy selection, resulting in different bills being pursued.


1988 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-296
Author(s):  
Gil Shidlo

The conventional literature on the military generally believes that military, non-competitive regimes have a tendency to spend more for national-security purposes and less on welfare provision. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why do Argentina and Brazil, military non-competitive regimes, have tendencies similar to those of Western democracies where the state’s economic expansion extends beyond that required by strictly economic considerations? In contrast to the rational-comprehensive or ‘technocratic’ model which is often assumed to predominate in bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes an analysis of social and economic policies in Brazil and Argentina highlights the essentially political nature of the policy process in non-democratic regimes.



2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Mandana Sajjadi

In this study, it has been attempted to investigate the feasible and desirable futures regarding the possibility of virtualization of Islamic Republic of Iran’s state and its effect on the promotion of Global Peace Index (GPI) using trend analysis technique, Delphi surveys and scenario building .Therefore, according to the documents such as perspective and development documents, the outlook of 1404 SH has been considered as a time period of desirable future formation. The writer believes that the formation of virtual state in Iran through decreasing structural violence in society leads to the promotion of GPI. In fact, the dynamics of new global arrangements that have been derived from the technological innovations and socioeconomic adjustments of international relations actors with agencies and global markets, have led to the formation of a new pattern for the conceptualization of states’s evolving nature, that in turn, can increase the possibility of positive peace elements through decreasing the level of structural violence in society. In order to confirm this assumption, seven key deriving forces of virtual states have been chosen referring the systematic theory of virtual state by Richard rosecranace and combining it with Galtung’s positive peace theory and their evolution has been investigated since writing the outlook documents. On the next step, four main scenarios were formed in response to the probability of virtual state formation around two axes of states’ commitments to pursue open economic policies and sanctions lifting as two independent variables. Finally, all four scenarios were evaluated using Delphi surveys of elites and one scenario was chosen as the probable future.



2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Dobrinka Rojnic

Contemporary geopolitical discourses are to a large extent shaped by networks of global actors with different sources of power. In such networkskey source of power is not just a territory, but also effective and vibrant economic policies that are shaped by countries, companies and other economic actors. The growing attention on geopolitical and geostrategic issues have placed the issue of economic integration high on the list of policy and governance priorities in last two decades. While every country, region, alliance shapes its own geopolitical and geostrategic positioning by formulating and implementing its own energy policy, such policies are to a large extent influenced with what takes place in the territory of Eurasia. In geopolitical discourses, Eurasia has been in the focus of scholarly and political discussions for quite some time now. Previous reviews of geopolitical discourses on Eurasia have showed, however, that while the concept of Eurasia is often employed in the context of its relations with western democracies, the boundaries or properties of concept itself still remain unclear. This paper aims to tackle this problem and define Eurasia in geographical as well as cultural, political and social terms. The literature review and document analysis are, thus, employed to offer the answer to the question: “What and who is Eurasia?” While answering to the question, this paper takes into account the important role Eurasia plays for European Union as a territory with significant energy resources and with a consequential attractivity for economic integration with European Union and its members states. In order to offer the answer to the question “What and who is Eurasia?”, in order to unfold the dimensions of its geopolitical domination, the paper focuses on cultural, economic, geopolitical and social dimensions.



1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 1183-1201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marick F. Masters ◽  
John D. Robertson

The stability of democracies has been of critical interest to students of comparative politics. One question that has received limited empirical analysis is, How do we integrate class conflict into the broader concept of democratic stability? We extend the work of Przeworski and Wallerstein. Our principal thesis is that as the material bases of class exchange diminish, the state intervenes economically to expand the resources conducive to class consent. A tripartite coalition thus emerges, with the state facilitating class compromise between labor and capital through economic policies. We explore this thesis in a cross-national analysis of data collected from 20 advanced industrial democracies during the time period 1965–83, and explore the essential conclusions and the political-economic implications of our findings.



2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Jaynes

AbstractThe dawn of the twenty-first century confronts Western democracies with a racialized class problem. The globalization of capitalism—mass geographic movement of peoples, capital, and markets on scales unprecedented since the Atlantic slave trade—has brought poor migrants into affluent nations. Migrants' descendants are replicating conditions associated with poor Blacks. Affluent Western democracies are hurtling toward biplural stratification defined by a multiracial underclass. Racialized class stratification stems from economic policies. Capitalist democracies' edifice of social policies—sanctioning expectations of rising prosperity, welfare “safety nets” for minimal consumption, low-wage migration policies—erroneously assumed that jobs and wages would continuously grow to absorb expanding populations. Overuse of low-wage migration policies commodified work relations in low-skilled jobs. Acculturated to demand affluent living standards and egalitarian human relations, educationally deprived descendants of migrants find commodified work regimens repellent. Despite large populations of jobless natives, some maintain that affluent democracies need more migrants to do the jobs that natives won't do. But jobless youth are alienated and prone to agency, as riots in England, the United States, and, more recently, France and other areas of Europe suggest. To avert the solidification of biplural societies, social policy must slow rates of migration from low living-standard economies, expand minimum wages and income transfers to working-citizen households, and provide documented immigrants clear avenues to citizenship. This agenda is more likely to succeed in the United States, where minority voting strength is gathering considerable momentum.



2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONATHAN B. SLAPIN ◽  
JUSTIN H. KIRKLAND ◽  
JOSEPH A. LAZZARO ◽  
PATRICK A. LESLIE ◽  
TOM O’GRADY

Strong party discipline is a core feature of Westminster parliamentary systems. Parties typically compel members of Parliament (MPs) to support the party regardless of MPs’ individual preferences. Rebellion, however, does occur. Using an original dataset of MP votes and speeches in the British House of Commons from 1992 to 2015, coupled with new estimations of MPs’ ideological positions within their party, we find evidence that MPs use rebellion strategically to differentiate themselves from their party. The strategy that MPs employ is contingent upon an interaction of ideological extremity with party control of government. Extremists are loyal when their party is in the opposition, but these same extremists become more likely to rebel when their party controls government. Additionally, they emphasize their rebellion through speeches. Existing models of rebellion and party discipline do not account for government agenda control and do not explain these patterns.



2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110251
Author(s):  
Noah Dasanaike

Previous explorations of Russia’s mixed electoral system uncovered conflicting results on party discipline in legislative voting. The effect in recent convocations is modest, with single-member district deputies expressing slightly less factional loyalty than those elected under proportional representation. However, factors other than electoral mandate may also affect party cohesion. In particular, a definitive connection exists between holding public office in Russia and the opportunity to maximize personal profit-seeking. Using individual-level reading voting data on budgetary bills from the 7th State Duma, I examine how the profit-seeking behavior of deputies who previously held business positions at the executive level influences party cohesion. I find significant evidence that deputies with previous executive business positions defect from their party more frequently than those without. The effect is marginally greater for deputies elected from single-member districts rather than the party-list. These findings have greater implications for party cohesion and the involvement of businesspeople in national legislatures.



2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Nalepa

Abstract This paper draws on Cox and McCubbins’ comparison of floor and cartel agenda models and adapts it to the context of multi-party parliamentary regimes with the goal of clarifying some important differences between the legislative consequences of cohesion and discipline, on the one hand, and the effects of agenda setting, on the other. Internal party discipline and/or preference cohesion receives the bulk of emphasis in comparative studies of empirical patterns of legislative behavior, generally without considering the role of the agenda. In a series of stylized models, this paper highlights important differences between having more unified parties and/or coalitions as a result of discipline and/or cohesion and the successful use of agenda control. We show that cohesion or discipline - understood as the ability to achieve voting unity - does not produce the same patterns of legislative behavior as negative agenda control. Data on legislative voting in the Polish Sejm are used to illustrate some points.



Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the section on Swedish economic policy and political economy. Sweden’s economic policies, labor market institutions, and welfare programs have long fascinated scholars at home and abroad. The introduction discusses the reasons for this fascination, puts the section’s substantive chapters in context, and explains why the topics of these chapters should be particularly interesting to foreign students and scholars who wish to learn more about the Swedish experience. Specifically, the chapters in this section address the iconic “Swedish model” as an ideological construct, how far Swedish economic policies have been exceptional among Western democracies, how Sweden fared in the aftermath of the financial crisis of the 1990s, and what has characterized Sweden’s model of industrial relations over the years.



Tantric State ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 169-192
Author(s):  
William J. Long

What insights, if any, might modern Western democracies extract from Bhutan’s approach to the challenges of democratization and development? Bhutan’s very distinctiveness, while warning against simplistic attempts to extend Bhutan’s experience beyond its borders, also makes Bhutan particularly intriguing and possibly instructive. Simply put, Bhutan’s approach to democracy and development is “outside the box” of prevailing approaches and therefore, to the extent it is not wholly culturally specific, could provide a genuine alternative way of thinking about longstanding and emerging challenges facing democracies today, including: increasing political polarization, economic inequality, low levels of citizen confidence in the efficacy of governmental institutions, and the environmental and psychological sustainability of the prevailing economic-development model, which is oriented to the goal of ever-increasing national production and consumption. This chapter offers a limited and an extensive view of Bhutan’s relevance to social thinking and practice.



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