Blogs as a Source of Democratic Deliberation

Author(s):  
Barbara K. Kaye ◽  
Thomas J. Johnson ◽  
Peter Muhlberger

This chapter examines the deliberative potential of blogs and blog users. It investigates whether heavy reliance on blogs promotes positive characteristics—political efficacy, political interest, and political involvement—needed to foster democratic deliberation, or whether it leads to negative attributes—low trust, selective exposure, and political partisanship—that hinder democratic deliberation. Results show that unlike those who rarely rely on blogs, heavily dependent individuals are more involved in current events and are more trusting of the government, but they are also more likely to practice selective exposure by reading ideologically consistent blogs. Further, heavy reliance predicts involvement and selective exposure. The deliberative potential of blogs is boosted by users’ involvement in political issues but impeded by their propensity to seek out blogs that contain agreeable information. Instead of evolving into a public sphere, blogs may be becoming issue-oriented zones in which deliberation is limited to an ideological perspective.

SUHUF ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-357
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zilberg

This article describes the conflicted genesis of the Museum Istiqlal, the history of  the creation of the collection, and the state of the institution relative to other Indonesian museums. It emphasizes both  positive developments underway and the historical problems facing the institution. Above all, it focuses on the role the museum was originally intended to serve for the Indonesian Muslim public sphere and the significant potential the museum has to better serve that mission in the national and international sphere. In short, the article emphasizes that in the context of the Government of Indonesia’s current four year plan to revive the museum sector, the problems and opportunities presented at the Museum Istiqlal are symptomatic of endemic national challenges for both the museum and the education sector.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110091
Author(s):  
Ramona Mielusel

In this article, I am looking at two popular ‘ethnic’ comedies, L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013), that promote dialogue and conviviality between Franco-Maghrebi and Franco-French people in France while questioning the societal feasibility of legislative measures of inclusiveness, visibility and equality of chances promoted by the government in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Considering some challenges in the representations, the comedies offer, at times, a social critique of certain stereotypical views on Islam and the destiny of Muslims on French soil, but they conclude in an optimistic tone supporting the idea that there is cultural métissage in France and that Muslims and Christians do mix in today’s diverse France. The popularity of these comedies attests to the fact that there is a need to bring up the issues of Islam in France and of the cohabitation between Muslims and Christian French citizens in the public sphere. I suggest however that while the Franco-Maghrebi’s ‘essentialist identity’ is challenged in the films, there are still neo-colonialist tensions in the artistic productions that entail ambivalence towards the Muslim characters. In a Franco-French dominated film-consuming culture, the Franco-Maghrebi characters are still subject to mimicry, which consistently maintains their subordinate position in the French culture.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Máiréad Enright

This article discusses the case of Shekinah Egan, an Irish Muslim girl who asked to be allowed to wear the hijab to school. It traces the media and government response to her demand, and frames that demand as a citizenship claim. It focuses in particular on a peculiarity of the Irish response; that the government was disinclined to legislate for the headscarf in the classroom. It argues that – perhaps counter-intuitively – the refusal to make law around the hijab operated to silence the citizenship claims at the heart of the Egan case. To this extent, it was a very particular instance of a broader and ongoing pattern of exclusion of the children of migrants from the Irish public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Giacomini

This viewpoint makes a theoretical effort to label the organization of the virtual sphere under new concepts: ‘encastellation’ and the ‘paradox of pluralism’. The former is a metaphorical synthesis of already-known concepts (selective exposure, polarization, homophily, echo chambers and filter bubbles). In the second case, we emphasize the existence of a ‘paradox of online pluralism’: the internet has increased the possibility for everyone to make their voice heard (in quantitative terms), but at the same time it appears to also be increasing the distance between voices, putting in jeopardy the achievement of the aims of the pluralist political system (in qualitative terms). In conclusion, we express doubts about the feasibility of the deliberative vision of democracy in the current virtual sphere.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-276
Author(s):  
Mustain Mustain

The history of emergence of sects of Islamic theology can not be separated from political issues as shown in the history of Shiite, Khawarij, Murjiah, Jabariyah, Qadariyah, Mu'tazilite, and Ash'arite. This paper tries to assess such linkage, particularly in the case of Shiite and Khawarij. The emergence of both sects was backed by sharp tribal political competition among the supporters of Ali ibn Abi Talib; both sects then showed their characteristics more as political stream (religio-political) rather than sects of theology. Although both, especially Khawarij, have important contributions in the debate concerning major sins commit which then lead to debate about broader and in-depth issues of divinity, but their political activities are more dominant than their theological thoughts. While the Shiite was preoccupied by searching for the ideal figure of priest (imam), Khawarij flow into a political insubordination movement to the government that they consider infidels.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-30
Author(s):  
Nisa Rizkiah ◽  
Andi Suwirta ◽  
Encep Supriatna

ABSTRAKSI: Pers mahasiswa menjadi media alternatif pada masa pemerintahan Orde Baru (1966-1998). Pers mahasiswa mampu dan berani melakukan kritik terhadap pemerintah melalui tulisan dalam media yang diterbitkannya. Dengan menggunakan metode historis, hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pers mahasiswa Indonesia, pada periode tahun 1990-an, mulai menunjukan kembali jatidiri dan perannya. “Isola Pos” di Bandung lebih menitikberatkan pemberitaan pada isu-isu besar pendidikan, hal ini karena pendidikan harus dikelola secara benar, jangan dipolitisir, dan harus sesuai dengan cita-cita para pendiri negara-bangsa. Sedangkan “Balairung” di Yogyakarta lebih dominan pada isu-isu politik, karena ianya merupakan langkah untuk melakukan perubahan dalam konteks sosial-politik sebuah negara-bangsa. Meskipun dari segmentasi berita yang diambil berbeda, namun ada benang merah di antara keduanya, yakni sama-sama memiliki tujuan untuk perubahan Indonesia ke arah yang lebih baik, serta melakukan perlawanan terhadap suatu rezim yang dianggap menyimpang dari kebijakan dan cita-cita bersama.KATA KUNCI: Pers Mahasiswa; Pendidikan; Politik; Pemerintah Orde Baru; Kritik Sosial. ABSTRACT: “Students’ Voice of Two Cities: Comparison on Views of Isola Pos in Bandung and Balairung in Yogyakarta toward Political Issues in Indonesia, 1991-1998”. The student’s press was an alternative media during the New Order government (1966-1998). The student’s press was capable and daring to criticize the government through the publication of articles in the media. By using the historical method, this study shows that student press in the period of 1990s, began showed again its identities and roles. The “Isola Pos” in Bandung was choosing more dominant on educational issues, due to that education must be managed properly, not be politicized, and must accordance with the ideals of nation-states’ founders. While “Balairung” in Yogyakarta was more dominant in political issues, due to it was as a step to make changes in the socio-political context. Although the news taken from different segments, but there are the common substances between them, namely they have a goal to change Indonesia into a better direction and the resistance to a regime that is wrong in policy and common ideals.KEY WORD: Student Press; Education; Politics; New Order Government; Social Critics.     About the Authors: Nisa Rizkiah, S.Pd. adalah Alumni Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI (Fakultas Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia) di Bandung. Andi Suwirta, M.Hum. dan Dr. Encep Supriatna adalah Dosen di Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI di Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Penulis bisa dihubungi melalui emel di: [email protected] Citation: Rizkiah, Nisa, Andi Suwirta Encep Supriatna. (2018). “Suara Mahasiswa dari Dua Kota: Perbandingan Pandangan Isola Pos di Bandung dan Balairung di Yogyakarta terhadap Isu Politik di Indonesia, 1991-1998” in MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan, Volume 3(1), Maret, pp.11-30. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI [Indonesia University of Education] Press, ISSN 2527-3868 (print) and 2503-457X (online). Chronicle of the article: Accepted (January 15, 2018); Revised (February 17, 2018); and Published (March 30, 2018).


2020 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
Dr. Qasim Mahmood ◽  
Dr. Kasim Sharif ◽  
Zarmina Gull

Social media has become a central component of modern society and politics around the world including Pakistan. The paper attempts to examine the influence of political activism among social media-savvy youth in highlighting the political issues of Pakistan. This paper examines how Pakistani youth’s political activism via social media gives rise to an emergent-networked public sphere. A survey questionnaire was distributed to 403-university students aged 18-29 to examine their social media use and political engagement. Findings of the survey show that public discourse on social media, driven by Pakistan’s networked youth, is a growing force that political players and pundits must reckon with. The paper concludes that politically active youth make use of social media to discuss political issues, highlight problems besetting the country, which generates a public discourse, put pressure on government and politicians to take action that ultimately bears influence upon politics and governance in Pakistan.


2018 ◽  
pp. 137-167
Author(s):  
Kanisorn Wongsrichanalai

Kanisorn Wongsrichanalai explores perceptions of national loyalty held by college-educated northern men during the war. His work draws on the writings of a group of New England graduates, whom he labels the New Brahmins. He highlights how their sense of moral duty as educated elites, along with their commitment to the Union, compelled them to enlist into the army. Focusing on McClellan’s leadership, the controversy of emancipation, and the election of 1864, Wongsrichanalai shows how these men viewed military and political issues through nonpartisan lenses. Holding military success and union victory as the priority, these soldiers were quite critical of partisan devotionand unquestioned support of the government. According to the author, the New Brahmins reflect an understudied northern honor or nationalism, in which elite young officers pursued the greater good of society without fear of individual consequences.


Author(s):  
Başak Can

The government used medico-legal documentation of prisoners’ health condition to solve the biopolitical crisis in penal institutions immediately after the end of death fast (2000-2007) and released hundreds of hunger strikers, who suffered from incurable conditions. That the state turned a political crisis into a medical one using the illness clause had unprecedented consequences for how claims are made in the political sphere. Human rights activists, Kurdish and leftist politicians are now using the plight of ill prisoners to make political arguments in the public sphere. The health conditions of political prisoners, specifically the use of the illness clause has thus emerged as one of the most contentious fields in the encounters between the state and its opponents. This chapter examines how temporality works as an instrument of necropolitics through the slow production and circulation of the medico-legal bureaucratic documents that are produced through encounters with multiple state officials. I argue, first, that medico-legal processes surrounding the detainees are mediated through the discretionary sovereign acts of multiple state officials, including but not limited to physicians, and second, that legal medicine as a technology of state violence is central to understanding the intertwined histories of sovereignty and biopolitics in Turkey.


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