scholarly journals The Political Participation Rate of Starter Voter in Mayor Election 2018 in Cikole District Sukabumi City

Author(s):  
Ike Rachmawati ◽  
Dian Purwanti
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andi Nur Amaliah ◽  
Muhajirah Hasanuddin ◽  
Alimuddin Said

This research for knowing the political participation of the urban poor and the factors that affect the political participation of the urban poor in the election of President and Vice President in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Subdistrict Tamalate Makassar. The kind of research is descriptive quantitative research by explaining the political participation of the urban poor, the sample of 30 people in the poor communities selected by purposive sampling. The results showed a participation rate of urban poor in the election of president and vice president in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Tamalate District Makassar. The form of political participation of the poor consists of electoral activities, the lobby, the organization's activities, find connections and acts of violence, political participation Reasons divided on the influence of community groups, availability of facilities, and low motivation. Typology of political participation consists of poor and semi apathetic apathy. As well as political communication is divided into function information and education functions. The political participation of the urban poor is also strongly influenced by factors supporting consisting of Consciousness or the will and the influence of the government, as well as inhibiting factors are factors Environmental and Economic factors. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif kuantitatif dengan menggunakan sampelnya sebanyak 30 orang masyarakat miskin yang di pilih secara Purposive Sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan tingkat partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Adapun bentuk partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin terdiri dari kegiatan pemilihan, lobby, kegiatan organisasi, mencari koneksi dan tindakan kekerasan, Alasan partisipasi politik terbagi atas pengaruh kelompok masyarakat, ketersediaan sarana, dan rendahnya motivasi. Tipologi partisipasi politik terdiri dari masyarakat miskin apatis dan semi apatis. Serta komunikasi politik terbagi atas fungsi informasi dan fungsi pendidikan. Partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh faktor pendukung yang terdiri dari Kesadaran atau kemauan dan pengaruh pemerintah, serta faktor penghambat yaitu faktor Lingkungan dan faktor Ekonomi.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174-205
Author(s):  
Manuel Trujillo Carmona

En algunos estudios se ha constatado que la población gitana tiene unas tasas extremadamente bajas de participación en elecciones, con resultados tomados de las encuestas FOESSA. Pero aparte de esta fuente no tenemos otras encuestas que analicen con más detalle los factores que intervienen en este hecho. En este artículo se analizan los resultados de participación electoral en las últimas elecciones generales. Se analiza si los barrios de más concentración de población gitana son los que mayor abstención electoral registran. La identificación de esos barrios, imposible de realizar a través de censos sin identificaciones étnicas, se realiza a través del “Mapa de Población y Vivienda Gitana”. Se constata que, efectivamente, los barrios con mayor presencia de población gitana son los que presentan mayor abstención electoral. Pero se da un paso más y se analiza la posible influencia de la renta de los hogares en esa relación. Se constata también que las secciones con mayor presencia de población gitana son las que reúnen más porcentaje de hogares en riesgo de pobreza, lo que lleva a plantear si la baja participación en elecciones en esos barrios podría explicarse en función de la renta. Mediante un análisis lineal se obtiene que el porcentaje de hogares en riesgo de pobreza explica la mayor parte de la diferencia de participación política electoral entre los hogares con población gitana y los demás hogares, si bien no toda. La conclusión por tanto es que en los barrios con mayor población gitana se vota menos que en el resto, pero debido a la altaproporción de hogares pobres. Some studies have confirmed that gypsy population have an extremely low participation rate in elections. The results have been taken from FOESSA surveys. But other than this source we do not have other surveys which analyse in morte detail the factors that cause this fact. This article is an analysis of the participation in the last general elections, to see whether in those neighbourhoods with a higher rate of gypsy population there is also more abstention. It is impossible to identify those neighbourhoods with the population census, for there is no ethnic identification, and therefore the Gypsy population and housing map is used.It is confirmed that those neighbourhoods with a higher presence of gypsy population also show a higher abstention. But we take a step further and analyse the potential influence of home income in this relation. It is also confirmed that those sections with a higher presence of gypsy population are the ones with a higher rate of homes in risk of poverty, and the approach is therefore whether the low participation in elections in those neighbourhoods could be income-related. A linear analysis shows that the rate of homes in risk of poverty explains most of the political participation difference between homes with gypsy population and the rest, but not all of it. Therefore the conclusion is that in neighbourhoods with more gypsy population people vote less. This is mostly due not to the fact of there being more gypsy population, but rather to the higher rate of poor households.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-98
Author(s):  
Pia Rowe ◽  
David Marsh

While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope of what counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventional theory, it skirts an important relationship between society, the protopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that the language of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensions are particularly observable online, and that this language can constitute the beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical and should, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what counts as political participation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Priestley ◽  
Martha Stickings ◽  
Ema Loja ◽  
Stefanos Grammenos ◽  
Anna Lawson ◽  
...  

2015 ◽  
Vol 662 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Boyd ◽  
Amanda Couture-Carron

This article defines cross-nativity intermarriage in four generations of Canadians and explores whether cross-nativity partnering is associated with political assimilation—in this case, similarity in voting and political activities between immigrants with native-born partners and third-plus-generation immigrants. We find that foreign-born residents with Canadian-born partners do not differ from third-plus-generation residents who have Canadian-born partners in their propensities to vote or in the number of political activities in which they participate. Conversely, the foreign-born with foreign-born partners are less likely than the third-plus generation to have voted in a previous federal election; if the foreign-born immigrated later in adolescence or in adulthood, they also are less likely to participate in other political activities. Differences in demographic and socioeconomic characteristics underlie the greater likelihood that second and third-plus generations will engage in political activities.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.


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