Lineages as cultural and political resources

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-121
Author(s):  
Masahisa Segawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Resources

scholarly journals Neo-Ibuism in Indonesian Politics: Election Campaigns of Wives of Regional Heads in West Sumatra in 2019

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342198906
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah ◽  
M. Nurul Fajri
Keyword(s):  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Women's Roles ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Traditional Gender Roles ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Women’S Roles ◽  
West Sumatra ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article focuses on electoral victories by wives of regional heads in West Sumatra province during Indonesia’s 2019 elections. We argue that these victories can be explained by the emergence of a phenomenon we label “neo-ibuism.” We draw on the concept of “state ibuism,” previously used to describe the gender ideology of the authoritarian Soeharto regime, which emphasised women’s roles as mothers ( ibu) and aimed to domesticate them politically. Neo-ibuism, by contrast, allows women to play an active role in the public sphere, including in elections, but in ways that still emphasise women’s roles within the family. The wives of regional government heads who won legislative victories in West Sumatra not only relied on their husbands’ political resources to achieve victories, but they also used a range of political networks to reach out to voters, in ways that stressed both traditional gender roles and their own political agency.

Constitution-making and institutional design. The transformations of presidentialism in Argentina

1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel L. Negretto
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Design ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Collective Decision Making ◽  
Constitutional Design ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Constitution Making

This paper presents an analytical framework for the study of constitutional design from the point of view of the structure of interaction and mechanisms of institutional selection that affect the behavior and choices of the actors involved in a constitution-making process. This framework is used to explain the various limitations introduced to the powers of the President in the Argentine constitution of 1994. I argue that two levels of causation determined this reform. At the macro level, the limitation of presidential powers was the outcome of a distribution of political resources and a configuration of preferences among the actors that made possible the resolution of conflicts by means of compromise. At the micro level, the new set of institutions derived from the limited influence of the incumbent executive over constitutional design, the pluralism of the constituent assembly that approved the constitution, and the prevalence of bargaining as a mechanism of collective decision-making. Both levels of action facilitated a consensual constitution-making process from which emerged a powersharing structure that has the potential to lower the stakes of political competition for presidential office and create new rules of mutual trust between government and opposition.

scholarly journals An Empirical Justification for the Use of Racially Distinctive Names to Signal Race in Experiments

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Butler ◽  
Jonathan Homola
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Public Records ◽  
Empirical Justification ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Other Information

Researchers studying discrimination and bias frequently conduct experiments that use racially distinctive names to signal race. The ability of these experiments to speak to racial discrimination depends on the excludability assumption that subjects’ responses to these names are driven by their reaction to the individual’s putative race and not some other factor. We use results from an audit study with a large number of aliases and data from detailed public records to empirically test the excludability assumption undergirding the use of racially distinctive names. The detailed public records allow us to measure the signals about socioeconomic status and political resources that each name used in the study possibly could send. We then reanalyze the audit study to see whether these signals predict legislators’ likelihood of responding. We find no evidence that politicians respond to this other information, thus providing empirical support for the excludability assumption.

Institutionalizing Party Systems in Multiethnic States: Integration and Ethnic Segmentation in Czechoslovakia, 1918-1992

Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Skalnik Leff ◽  
Susan B. Mikula
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Federal State ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Institutional Rules ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Multiethnic States

A country’s multinational diversity does not by itself predict the way this diversity will be reflected in the party system. The pattern of party politics also depends on the context: electoral and institutional rules, differential political assets, and different incentives to cooperate or dissent. To demonstrate variations in the dynamics of ethnic politics, this article examines the divergent ways in which Slovak political parties were organized within the larger political system in two periods—the interwar unitary Czechoslovak state and the postcommunist federal state. Differences in political resources and institutional setting help explain why interwar Slovakia had a hybrid party system composed of both statewide and ethnoregional parties, while the postcommunist state saw the emergence of two entirely separate party systems in Slovakia and the Czech Republic. In turn, differing patterns of party politics in these two cases had different consequences for the management of ethnonational conflict in the state.

IN REPLY

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. A66-A66
Keyword(s):  
Differential Diagnosis ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Folk Healers

The facts in your Jan. 4 page-one article "Folk Healers Stay Popular with Poor in Rural Southwest" would be very amusing if the healers would be able to limit themselves to patients whose ailments are terminal, psychosomatic or nonexistent. Unfortunately, people ascribe to the healers the knowledge to make a differential diagnosis between a curable disease and one that is not. What healers have in common is the capacity to manipulate people, and they use many of the medical, social or political resources for themselves and for the people with whom they interact. They take voters to the polls to benefit the candidates who share their views.

Too sick to vote? Public health and voter turnout in Russia during the 1990s

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Therese C. Reitan
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Life Expectancy ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
Regional Data ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Electoral Turnout

Determinants of political participation and electoral turnout are still of great interest within political science and three broad types of factors have been found to influence turnout significantly; individual or area-specific traits, characteristics of the electoral systems, and features relating to the political climate in individual elections. Within the first group, socio-economic resources, typically education, income, and occupation, have been found to be particularly important. This article proposes that public health is also a relevant form of social and political resources at the aggregate level. Regional data on life expectancy and electoral turnout from Russia—a country with dramatically deteriorated public health during the 1990s—were therefore correlated with each other. Overall, correlations were positive and significant, and there is, then, reason to investigate further the possible relationship between public health and the propensity to turn out at elections.

Associations between and coexistence of disadvantages in the oldest old people in Sweden: Patterns of change between 1992 and 2011

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josephine Heap ◽  
Johan Fritzell ◽  
Carin Lennartsson
Keyword(s):  
Physical Health ◽  
Psychological Health ◽  
Oldest Old ◽  
Functional Limitations ◽  
Health Problems ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Old People ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Physical Health Problems ◽  
Nationally Representative

This study explored changes in the associations between and coexistence of disadvantages in several dimensions of living conditions in the oldest old people in Sweden. We used nationally representative data from 1992 (n = 537), 2002 (n = 621) and 2011 (n = 931). Indicators of limited social resources, limited political resources, limited financial resources, psychological health problems, physical health problems and functional limitations were used. The probability of reporting coexisting disadvantages tended to increase and was particularly elevated in 2002. Physical health problems became more common, and functional limitations, limited financial resources and limited political resources became less common during the studied period. Associations between health-related disadvantages remained fairly stable, whereas associations including other kinds of disadvantages varied somewhat over the studied period. These changes suggest that in general, the composition of coexisting disadvantages is likely to have altered over time. Consequently, the challenges faced by disadvantaged groups in 2011 may have been different from those in 1992. Moreover, the healthcare and social care services directed to older people have undergone significant changes during the past decades. These changes to the system accentuate the vulnerability of people experiencing coexisting disadvantages.

scholarly journals Reflections on the working process in nurse participation in political activities

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (suppl 6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Elizabeth Kalinowski ◽  
Isabel Cristina Kowal Olm Cunha
Keyword(s):  
Social Practice ◽  
Working Process ◽  
Work Process ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Reflective Study

ABSTRACT Objectives: To reflect on the scope of the working process in nurse participation political activities as a possibility for expanding its performance. Methods: this is a reflective study, supported by the discursive elaboration on the nursing participation political activities and work process, structured through concepts, theoretical perspectives and practices based on the experiences described in references. Results: studies on this process demonstrate that nurses need sensitivity to understand the complexity of their social practice. Final Considerations: in their professional actions, nurses must mobilize political resources, making their knowledge, skills and attitudes available to their practices, aiming at power and improvement of conditions for the work of Nursing.

scholarly journals Martian or Mauritanian? The Lesser-Known Human Security Crises in the Sahel

Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Morrison
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Smart Phones ◽  
International Effort ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Humanitarian Crises ◽  
Geopolitical Region ◽  
Cooperative Relationship ◽  
Sahel Region

While humanitarian crises have plagued the continent of Africa for years, some of the world’s most severe and dire human security issues exist within the Sahel region. This geographic and geopolitical region in the middle of Africa is located between the Sahara and Savanna. The Sahel struggles with damaging security issues as well as economic and cultural problems. This region is representative of a security complex because Sahelian states’ security is so interlinked that national security problems will never be solved apart from other Sahelian nations. While African nations such as Mali, Nigeria, and Chad are included in the Sahel region, a lesser-known and rarely discussed country is Mauritania. For a time being, Mauritania was so publically unrecognizable that autocorrect on smart phones would change “Mauritania” to “Martian” (Nashashibi 2012). Mauritania is unique because although it is situated near the violent nation Mali, it holds a mainly cooperative relationship with Western allies against Islamist insurgencies. This position highlights the country’s importance and the need for stabilization. While numerous security problems pose a significant threat to Mauritanian stability, a concerted international effort to provide food, environmental, and political resources to the country can resolve these crises.

scholarly journals A história oral visita o cinema: Que bom te ver viva e Los Rubios

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Veiga
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Oral History ◽  
Time History ◽  
Film Maker ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Brazilian Film ◽  
Siglo Xx

ResumoEste artigo relaciona o cinema, como meio de comunicação, à história oral e seus entrelaçamentos com a história do tempo presente, atentando para os testemunhos, utilizados como recurso estético e político nos filmes Que bom te ver viva, da cineasta brasileira Lúcia Murat, e Los rubios, da argentina Albertina Carri. Podendo ser categorizadas como documentários-ficção, ambas as realizações lidam com os traumas resultantes da violência ditatorial em seus países de origem, na segunda metade do século XX. Em que medida servem estes filmes como fontes para estudos que se apoiam na história oral é o que pretendemos discutir neste artigo. Palavras-chave: Cinema; História oral; Que bom te ver viva; Los rubios AbstractThis article aims to treat cinema, as a way of communication, in its relationship with Oral History and its ties with Present Time History, attempting to testimonies used as aesthetic and political resources inside films like Que bom te ver viva, by the Brazilian film maker Lúcia Murat, and Los rubios, by the Argentine film maker Albertina Carri. Categorized as fictional documentaries, both films deal with the traumas that result of dictatorial violence in their countries of production, in the second half of the twentieth century. How can these films be used as sources of investigation by studies based on Oral History is a question to be answered in this article. Key-words: Cinema; Oral History; Que bom te ver viva; Los rubios ResumenEste artículo relaciona el cine, como medio de comunicación, a la historia oral y sus entrelazamientos con la historia del tiempo presente, al atentar para los testimonios utilizados como recurso estético y político en las películas Que bom te ver viva, de la realizadora brasileña Lúcia Murat, y Los rubios, de la argentina Albertina Carri. Categorizadas como documentales-ficciones, las dos películas se llevan con los traumas resultantes de la violencia dictatorial en sus países de origen, en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. En que medida sirven estas películas como fuentes para los estudios basados en la historia oral es lo que pretendemos discutir en este artículo. Palabras-clave: Cine; Historia oral; Que bom te ver viva; Los rubios. Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2773/Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo

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