Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal (1881–1938)

Author(s):  
Hikmet Kocamaner

A military officer in the Ottoman army, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was the leader of the Turkish national resistance movement and the founder and first president of the Republic of Turkey. After the Allies defeated the Ottoman Empire in World War I and started partitioning its territories, in 1919 he began to lead a national resistance movement in Anatolia. In 1920 he organized a provisional national assembly in Ankara, functioning independently from the Ottoman administration. Having successfully liberated Anatolia and eastern Thrace from foreign occupation as a result of the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923), he founded the Republic of Turkey (1923), with himself elected by the assembly as its first president (1923–1938). He institutionalized political, economic, social, legal and educational reforms aimed at modernizing and secularizing Turkey and forging a new national identity. These included the abolishment of the caliphate (1924), the secularization and nationalization of education (1924), the adoption of new civil, commercial, and penal codes based on European models (1926), and the replacing of Arabic script with the Latin alphabet (1928). The principles of his reforms, commonly referred to as Kemalism, have defined the fundamental characteristics of the Republic throughout most of its history: republicanism, nationalism, populism, secularism, statism, and revolutionism.

Author(s):  
Nikolay P. Goroshkov

The article analyzes how the personality of the first president of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, is reflected in contemporary Turkish art. This year marks exactly 140 years since his birth. To his achievements in the military and political arenas, cultural figures have dedicated many works in the visual arts, architecture, literature and cinema.  The trace of the first president of the Republic of Turkey remained in the works of both his contemporaries and in the works of authors today. Creativity is multifaceted, inspiration has no boundaries, along with them, culture was freed from prohibitions with the beginning of a new page in the history of the country. Her achievements became available to more people, the opportunity to touch the spiritual life and create it opened up along with the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Pasha to wide layers of the population. Immortal works have preserved for posterity the image of the father of the Turkish nation, and a characteristic feature of these works is the author's personal admiration for the deeds of Gazi. This undoubtedly leaves its mark on the work and the way in which a person is shown in the context of history, who took fate and the entire people into his own hands, mired in political, economic, cultural crises. But before giving an answer to the question "Who are you, Father of the Turks?", it is important, in our opinion, briefly to draw attention to the historical retrospective of the development of Turkish culture under the influence of the policy of two states that appeared, flourished and fell into decay on the peninsula of Asia Minor. The article briefly examines some of the features of the cultural policy of the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the first years of the republic.


Author(s):  
ساهرة حسين محمود

The Turkish War of Independence, i.e. (the war of liberation), also known as (the War of Independence) or (the national campaign), took place (May 19, 1919 - July 24, 1923) between the Turkish national movement and the allies ( Greece) on the Western Front, and Armenia on The Eastern Front, France on the Southern Front, and the royalists and separatists in different cities, and in addition to them; the United Kingdom and Italy in Constantinople (now Istanbul) - after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and divided after the Ottoman defeat in World War I in 1914, few British, French and Italian occupation forces Spread or participated in the hostilities, the Turkish National Movement in Anatolia resulted in the formation of a new major national assembly led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and his colleagues, after the end of the war on the Armenian Turkish, French, Turkish and Turkish Greek fronts (often referred to as the Eastern Front, Southern Front, and Western Front of War Respectively), the Treaty of Sèvres was abolished in the year 1920 AD, and the Kars (October 1921) and Lausanne (July 1923) treaties were signed. The Allies left Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey decided to establish a republic in Turkey, whose establishment was declared on October 29, 1923, with the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the division of the Ottoman Empire and the abolition of the Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman Empire ended and its era. After Ataturk made some reforms, the Turks established the modern secular national state of Turkey on the political front. On March 3, 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was formally abolished and the last caliphate was exiled.


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 108a-108a
Author(s):  
Ryan Gingeras

This piece raises the historical and contemporary importance of a little-known campaign of resistance to the ascendancy of the Turkish National Movement (a movement that would later spawn the Republic of Turkey) during the Turkish War of Independence. Unlike other acts of resistance carried out by Ottoman Christians and Kurds, the rebellion profiled here was largely led and populated by members of the north Caucasian or Circassian diaspora of northwestern Anatolia. As a population that became economically and socially disjointed through settlement along the southern littoral of the Marmara Sea, a significant component of this exile community repeatedly rejected forces led by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk). This article approaches the Circassian rebels' provincial origins and motivations and offers new insights into localist, as opposed to nationalist, forces that have both shaped and resisted the formation of the Republic of Turkey.


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 2237-2252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bülent Algan

Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), much debated at both national and international levels, has recently been subject to an amendment aimed at clarifying its meaning and averting more distressing cases related to freedom of expression. It should be noted that the former article 301 was an amended version of article 159 of the former TPC of 1926. As Türkan Sancar rightly states in her comprehensive book on both articles 159 and 301, article 159 is an article which has been revised many times. It was amended seven times after coming into effect in 1926 (in 1936, 1938, 1946, 1961, twice in 2002, and 2003). The new TPC was introduced as a package of penal-law reform prior to the opening of negotiations for Turkish membership of the European Union, and came into effect on 1 June 2005. Article 301 stated the following:1.A person who publicly denigrates Turkishness, the Republic or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, shall be sentenced a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to three years.2.A person who publicly denigrates the Government of the Republic of Turkey, the judicial bodies of the State, the military or security organizations, shall be sentenced to a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to two years.3.Where denigrating of Turkishness is committed by a Turkish citizen in another country, the penalty to be imposed shall be increased by one third.4.Expressions of thought intended to criticize shall not constitute a crime.


Author(s):  
Pierluigi SIMONE

The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emphasis is placed on cooperation with the West, in particular, there is a strengthening not only in the framework of doctrinal cooperation with NATO and the EU, but also constant contacts on all political, economic and military lines. In addition, the leadership of Azerbaijan pays special attention to the problem of Nagorno‑Karabakh. The article also shows that the fundamental documents that determine the external state agenda, although they are sufficiently Westernoriented, at the same time reflect the ambition of Azerbaijan in the context of becoming a regional center of power. This process is also influenced by external actors, in particular the Republic of Turkey. It was determined that the territorial issue, logistic and military issues, regional and global political trends are indicators, thanks to which one can observe the transformation of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In the context of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, it was revealed that the interaction between the countries seems significant for both states in terms of ensuring security in the South Caucasus.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 650-653
Author(s):  
Rustam Izmaylov ◽  
Anastasia Blagoveshchenskaya ◽  
Nikita Kuvshinov ◽  
Inna Imamovna Sokolova

Purpose: The article deals with the politics of the Kemalists in the Republic of Turkey in the 1920s - 1930s, as well as the ways of indoctrination of the main political principles of this ideology. During this period, Turkey, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, began radical changes affecting all spheres of society. Methodology: The research given is based on the principles of science, historicism, and impartiality; moreover, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systematic methods of historical research are used. Result: Having declared itself a secular state, focusing on the European level of development of those times, the Republican Turkey at the same time created its own system of national education, culture, language, ideology. This was facilitated by quite radical, largely authoritarian transformations. However, it is worth noting that the goal of the reforms was not widespread westernization of society, but the creation of a national Turkish state. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Cinematography as an element of the ideological system of Kemalism is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 2367-2370
Author(s):  
Ajsel Iljazi ◽  
Mahmut Mahmut

The movement of Turkish literature is divided into several broad periods of Turkish writers. Older literature covers the period from the Seljuks (900-1300) and the Ottoman period (1300-1922). The early period of the Ottoman literature, until the 16th century, was influenced by the Persian ideas, and after the 1520s, Arab ideas began to dominate.The movement of Turkish literature is often a part of political movements. Turkish patriotism gradually replaced the old Ottoman and Muslim traditions. This publicatoin will focus on the influence of the West, in particular the French concept of nationalism in Turkish Literature.The Young Turk Revolution, World War I, the Turkish War of Independence and the Reformation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk all profoundly influenced the development of modern Turkish literature."New Turkish Literature" is a literary genre developed and transformed in parallel with Western effects. Starting from the birth until the 19th century, it is possible to mention the existence of Turkish literature formed under the influence of Central Asia and the Orient.The "New Turkish Literature" is a literary reflection of pro-Western oriented Turks, or the modernization process that began in 1839 in the Tanzimat period (Reorganization).


Belleten ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 67 (249) ◽  
pp. 531-540
Author(s):  
Stanford J. Shaw

This article presents an appeal written in 1919-1920 by Turkey's first major woman writer, novelist and newspaper reporter Halide Edib (Adıvar), to the people of the United States, entrusted to Lewis Edgar Browne, who was covering the Turkish War for Independence and the Russian Revolution and Civil War for the Chicago Daily News while the Paris Peace Conference was going on. Halide Edib believed that the people of the United States were without bias in considering the problems of the Ottoman Empire during and after World War I, and, that, as had been stated in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, they wanted all the peoples of the Empire, including the Turks, to achieve independence in their own lands following the war. In her statement, she condemned the efforts then being made in Paris to blame on the Turks alone all the excesses and abuses that had gone in the war, pointing out that all the peoples of the Empire had sinned and been sinned against, all had suffered terribly from massacre and starvation, not only the Sultan's Christian subjects, and that the Turks, like the others, therefore deserved to achive independence in the areas of Anatolia and Thrace where they constituted large majorities of the population. In the end, this appeal fell on deaf ears. Halide Edib did not understand that the minds of the people of the Christian West had been so poisoned against Muslims by wartime propaganda that the accusations were being used as pretexts to deny to them rights that were being granted to their Christian neighbors. In the end, it was not such appeals for justice and understanding, then, but the force applied by the Turkish national resistance movement led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk that achived an independent existance for the Empire's Turkish subjects as a result of the Lausanne Conference and the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923.


Author(s):  
Wendy Shaw

The artists historiographically grouped as the 1914 Generation transformed the Westernizing artistic impulse of the late Ottoman era into the modernizing impulse of the Republic of Turkey, founded in 1923. Stylistically, the 1914 Generation distinguishes itself from earlier generations through its interest in naturalism, and from later generations through its disinterest in aesthetic modernism. More than functioning as a cohesive movement, the 1914 Generation came to prominence as a result of the onset of World War I. The artists most often included within this categorization include: Nazmi Ziya Güran (1881–1937), Mehmet Ruhi Arel (1880–1931), İbrahim Çallı (1882–1960), Hikmet Onat (1882–1977), Feyhaman Duran (1886–1970), Hüseyin Avni Lifij (1886–1927), and Namık İsmail (1890–1935). Although often excluded because of their lack of affiliation with the Istanbul Academy of Fine Arts, artists who may be considered in conjunction with this category by virtue of their participation in the pivotal transition from Ottoman to Turkish national identity also include Şevket (Dağ; 1876–1948), a teacher at the French-language Galatasaray Lycée, the military-trained artists Mehmet Sami Yetik (1878–1935), Mehmet Ali Laga (1878–1947) and Ali Sami Boyar (1880–1967), as well as the female artist Mihri Rasim/Müşfik (1886–1954).


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