From Classical Toward Experimental Federalism: Different Pathways for a More Inclusive and Balanced European Union

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 521-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matjaz Nahtigal

A growing number of scholars, academics and policy-makers advocate substantial reforms of the existing European institutional architecture. Advocates of deepening the European integration recommend that the optimal development of the European Union (EU) would be to establish a fully developed banking union, an advanced form of fiscal union and to ultimately achieve a political union based on common economic governance. Accordingly, the ideal scenario for European integration would be to adopt, to the largest possible extent, a path toward the classical federal model. Leaving aside the practical feasibility of such a development, the purpose of this article is to explore whether a direction toward the model of classical federalism is the only possible way forward for European integration. Comparative constitutionalism has developed several substantially different models of federalism. Therefore, this article explores other possible trajectories for European integration while pointing to the limitations of classical federalism. In the face of the protracted social and economic crises in many European member states and their regions, article also examines the possibilities of establishing cooperative or even experimental federalism as a new model for European integration.

Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino ◽  
Daniela Piana ◽  
Cecilia E. Sottilotta

When checking the influence of European Union empirically, as for inequalities, first, the amount of resources which are devoted to cohesion policy is still negligible. Second, looking at the effects of the crisis and the impact of austerity measures, compounded by significant reforms of the EMU institutional architecture, the six countries under examination were affected to different degrees. Germany was mostly immune to the crisis, and Poland even experienced sustained growth during the crisis years. As a non-member of the Eurozone, the UK was affected by the crisis but retained its monetary sovereignty, and its commitment to austerity with a decline in social protection, healthcare and education cannot be directly traced to EU-level commitments. France avoided a significant overhaul of its welfare system, while Spain and Italy experienced a contraction, especially in the sectors of healthcare and education. As for freedoms, in the case of the possible ‘trade-off’ between the need to guarantee security in the face of domestic and international terrorism and citizens’ right to privacy, the middle ground established by the current EU ‘Privacy Shield’ paradigm leaves several problems unsolved. Moreover, it is essential to mention that the mechanism put in place by Article 7 of the Treaty on the European Union to sanction possible violations of those values and principles, has not been sufficient to stop the current democratic backslides in some member states, notably Poland and Hungary. To sum up, the new scenario seems to depict a more nuanced predominance of the transnational provisions in terms of European freedoms and a reshaping of the domestic-European balance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór

The crisis in the European Union is forcing the world of science, mainly representatives of European research and studies, to change thinking, and thus to the need to search for new patterns of scientific thinking. Such formulas and views that will allow to explain and understand the dynamics of the construction and deconstruction of European integration. The paradigm of situationism is helpful here, which refers to the postulate of identifying and defining critical situations leading to changes in the EU. We define the situation here as a set of conditional circumstances and the state of the matter in which the European Union is located. The situation is also a fragment of the action (reconstruction of activities) taking place in the European integration process. Situationism may aspire to an integrative metatheory, because rejects all generalisation and universalisation of reality. It makes European integration actors (mainly policy-makers) connected with their actions (interactions – transactions) dependent on instruments (procedures) and requirements of the specific situation in which they found themselves.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva G. Heidbreder

The institutional architecture of the European Union is based on two fundamentally competing ideas: supranational rule and national sovereignty. These two underlying ideas are not reconcilable and work at different levels in the background of the policy debate. While on the normative level public sentiments remain strongly linked to the idea of state autonomy, on the cognitive level the paradigm of a functional necessity to cooperate is decisive for actual policy making. Only in some policy domains, such as the single market program, have policy-makers attempted to re-couple normative and cognitive ideas. In contrast to this, the central argument is that policy-makers mostly adhere to an alternative strategy: the systematic decoupling of normative and cognitive ideas. Focusing on public administration, it is shown how deft policy instrumentation allows actors to realize program ideas that satisfy demands for increased supranational governance. At the same time, however, these instruments are in dissonance with how policies are framed against the background of public sentiments that assume domestic bureaucratic independence.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Klaudia Kudławiec

Intensification of Economic Cooperation in the European Union in the Years 2010-2019 in the Light of the Theory of New Intergovernmentality The subject of the article is the process of intensifying economic integration in the European Union in the years 2010-2019, which is to lead to the creation of a real Economic and Monetary Union. The article is based on the theory of new intergovernmentalism, through which the eurozone system reform has been analyzed. The first part presents the main assumptions of the theory of new intergovernmentalism in relation to two models of European integration: intergovernmental and supranational. The second part was devoted to four projects included in the future Economic and Monetary Union: Financial Union, Economic Union, Fiscal Union and Political Union.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (140) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Helmut Dietrich

Poland accepted the alien and asylum policy of the European Union. But what does it mean, in the face of the fact that most of the refugees don´t want to sojourn a lot of time in Poland, but want to join their families or friends in Western Europe? How the transfer of policies does work, if the local conditions are quite different than in Germany or France? The answer seems to be the dramatization of the refugee situation in Poland, especially the adoption of emergency measures towards refugees of Chechnya.


Author(s):  
Suzana Mehmedi Ph.D ◽  
Ilir Mehmedi Ph.D

The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism, neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union, requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.


1993 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 351-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon J. Bulmer

ABSTRACTThe analysis of European integration has tended to use a toolkit drawn from international relations. But since the revival of integration in the mid-1980s, the governance of the European Community and European Union has increasingly come to resemble that of a multi-tiered state. Accordingly, this article analyzes the governance of the European Union from a comparative public policy perspective. Using new or historical institutionalism, three levels are considered. In the first part, attention is focused on the EU's institutions and the available instruments of governance. The second part examines the analysis of governance at the policy-specific or sub-system level, and puts forward an approach based on governance regimes. The final part considers the institutional roots of the persistent, regulatory character of governance in the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-282
Author(s):  
Roxana-Maria Nistor-Gâz ◽  
Delia Pop-Flanja

"In a world challenged by cultural diversity, this article aims to look at the great diversity of languages and cultures that coexist within the European Union. Building on the story of the Tower of Babel that explains, from a religious point of view, the cultural and linguistic diversity existing in the European Union, the authors tried to contextualize EU’s motto of “unity in diversity”, interpreted as an ideal involving a lot of effort and sometimes even many conflicts, but one that we should all fight for and strive to maintain. Keywords: linguistic diversity, ethnicity, nation, minority, majority, communication, unity in diversity"


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maistro S. ◽  
Kropyvnytskyi V. ◽  
Krykhtina Yu. ◽  
Treskov A.

The article describes the peculiarities of the formation and implementation of state policy for the development of various branches and spheres in the context of European integration of Ukraine. The degree of effectiveness of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union in various branches and spheres has been determined. The problematic aspects and contradictions of the state policy of development of various branches and spheres in the context of the implementation of the Association Agreement are highlighted. The ways of transformation of the state policy of development of various branches and spheres in the conditions of European integration of Ukraine are determined.


Author(s):  
Ainhoa LASA LÓPEZ

LABURPENA: Artikulu honetan, Europar Batasuneko botere-artikulazio berriak erkidegotan osatutako Espainian zer eragin daukan aztertuko dugu. Europa mailako politika-ekonomia erlazioak funtsezko bi koordenatu izan behar ditu ezinbestean. Alde batetik, Europako konstituzio-ordena ez dela gizartearen konstituzionalismoaren koordenatuetan ernatutako ordenaren berdina. Bestetik, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa Europa bat egiteko proiektuak berarekin dakartzan aldaketa berriak gorpuzteko eremua dela. Izan ere, funtsean, Europako konstituzio ekonomikoa plataforma ezin hobea delako boterearen artikulazioa berria nola artikulatu asmatzeko, Europa guztirako. RESUMEN: el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el impacto que tiene la nueva articulación del poder en la Unión Europea en el Estado español de las autonomías. La relación política-economía a nivel europeo debe tener en cuenta dos coordenadas fundamentales. Por una parte, la consideración del orden constitucional europeo como un orden distinto al gestado bajo las coordenadas del constitucionalismo social. Por otra, la caracterización de la constitución económica europea como ámbito de materialización de las nuevas transformaciones que incorpora el proyecto de integración europeo. Fundamentalmente, porque la constitución económica europea representa la plataforma idónea desde la que dilucidar la nueva articulación del poder desde el espacio supranacional europeo. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the new articula tion of power in the European Union in the Spanish state of autonomies. The relationship between politics and economy at European level must take into consideration two fundamental coordinates. On the one hand, the Euro pean constitucional system appears as a system opposite to that of social constitutionalism. Moreover, the characterization of the European economic constitution as a field of realization of the new transformations incorporated by the European project. Specially, because this represents the ideal platform in order to analyse the new articulation of power from European supranational space.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document