Fake news and copyright

2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-468
Author(s):  
Enrico Bonadio ◽  
Nicola Lucchi ◽  
Oreste Pollicino

As is known, new technologies have profoundly changed the way content is produced, shared and disseminated. One of the most recent (and worrying) changes is the phenomenon of ‘fake news’, especially since disinformation and intentional misrepresentation of real information have started to affect individual decision-making in the political sphere. It is a worrying phenomenon because the dissemination of fake news can challenge democratic values and undermine national security. Against this background, can copyright play a role in the fight against fake news? And what is the relationship between such news and copyright in the first place? Fake news in theory falls within copyright subject matter and may often meet the requirements for protection. The paper analyses three recent examples of fake news which have been widely disseminated online – and makes the point that copyright may subsist in such news. Yet, despite such content being potentially capable of attracting protection, we propose to remove any copyright which may arise on grounds of public interest. Indeed, when a work is protected by copyright, right holders have an incentive to exploit it, as the monopoly granted to them increases the ability to extract profits out of the work, for example via licensing. This may contribute to encouraging creators of fake news to spread such content across multiple channels to reach wide audiences. Excluding copyright could therefore help make fake news less appealing. A short reference will also be made to copyright defences which may be relied on by entities and individuals who check news’ accuracy (fact-checkers) – that is, the fair use doctrine under US law and several exceptions under EU (and UK) law, namely transient use, text and data mining, criticism and review and public security. * All authors contributed equally to this manuscript and are listed alphabetically.

Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
João Pedro Baptista ◽  
Elisete Correia ◽  
Anabela Gradim ◽  
Valeriano Piñeiro-Naval

The relationship between a subject’s ideological persuasion with the belief and spread of fake news is the object of our study. Departing from a left- vs. right-wing framework, a questionnaire sought to position subjects on this political-ideological spectrum and demanded them to evaluate five pro-left and pro-right fake and real news, totaling 20 informational products. The results show the belief and dissemination of (fake) news are related to the political ideology of the participants, with right-wing subjects exhibiting a greater tendency to accept fake news, regardless of whether it is pro-left or pro-right fake news. These findings contradict the confirmation bias and may suggest that a greater influence of factors such as age, the level of digital news literacy and psychological aspects in the judgment of fake news are at play. Older and less educated respondents indicated they believed and would disseminate fake news at greater rates. Regardless of the ideology they favor, the Portuguese attributed higher credibility to the sample’s real news, a fact that can be meaningful regarding the fight against disinformation in Portugal and elsewhere.


Author(s):  
Iginio Gagliardone

The analysis of the diffusion of social media in Africa and its relevance for politics has been caught in a paradox. On the one hand, social media have been saluted for their newness and for their ability, especially in connection with increasingly accessible portable tools such as mobile phones, to offer a level playing field for individuals to participate in politics and speak to power. On the other hand, this very enthusiasm has evoked relatively tired tropes used to frame the advent of other “new” technologies in the past, stressing what they could do to Africa, rather than exploring what they are doing in Africa. Early research on the relationship between social media and elections in Africa has tended to adopt normative frameworks adapted from the analysis of electoral contests in the Global North, presupposing unfettered citizens using social media to root for their leaders or demand accountability. A more recent wave of empirically grounded studies has embraced a greater conceptual and methodological pluralism, offering more space to analyze the contradictions in how social media are used and abused: how humor can be turned into a powerful tool to contest a type of power that appears overwhelming; or how armies of professional users have exploited people’s credulity of new media as “freer” from power to actually support partisan agenda. Interestingly, this latter approach has brought to light phenomena that have only recently caught global attention, such as the role of “fake news” and misinformation in electoral contests, but have played a determinant role in African politics for at least a decade.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (24) ◽  
pp. 228-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDRÉS GÓNGORA

Resumen:  El artá­culo sintetiza los resultados del trabajo etnográfico desarrollado con el movimiento cannabico de Colombia entre los años 2013 y 2017. En la primera parte, se muestra como la prohibición de las drogas en el paá­s surgió como un arreglo sanitario, moral y económico para monopolizar la producción de medicamentos y venenos. Se argumenta que el conocimiento sobre la relación entre las personas y el  pharmakon, desarrollado principalmente por expertos en seguridad pública, economá­a polá­tica y saberes  psi,  desconoce sistemáticamente la agencia polá­tica de los consumidores y pequeños productores de drogas. En la segunda parte, siguiendo la historia de la marihuana y sus defensores, se describe la lucha para  liberar  a la planta y permitir que ingrese de nuevo a los terrenos de la embriaguez tolerada, los remedios y la industria.Palabras clave:  Pharmakon.  Marihuana. Prohibicionismo.FARMACOPEIA POLáTICA:  uma etnografia do antiproibicionismo e da luta pela libertação da maconha na Colômbia  Resumo:  Neste artigo apresenta-se os resultados da pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida com o movimento cannabico da Colômbia entre os anos 2013 e 2017. Na primeira parte, mostra-se como naquele paá­s a proibição das drogas surgiu como um arranjo sanitário, moral e econômico para monopolizar a produção de remédios e venenos. Argumenta-se que o conhecimento sobre a relação entre as pessoas e o  pharmakon,  desenvolvido principalmente por especialistas em segurança pública, economia polá­tica e saberes  psi, desconhece sistematicamente a agência polá­tica dos usuários e pequenos produtores de drogas. Na segunda parte, indo atrás da história da maconha e seus defensores, descreve-se a luta para  libertar  a planta e fazer com que ingresse novamente aos terrenos da embriaguez tolerada, os remédios e a indústria.Palavras-chave:  Pharmakon.  Maconha. Proibicionismo.POLICY  PHARMACOPEIA:  an ethnography of anti-prohibitionism and the struggle for the liberation of marijuana in Colombia  Abstract:  This article presents the results of the ethnographic research developed with the cannabis movement of Colombia between the years 2013 and 2017. Firstly, it is shown how in that country, drug prohibition emerged as a sanitary, moral and economic arrangement to monopolize the production of medicines and poisons. It is argued that knowledge about the relationship between people and  pharmakon, developed mainly by specialists in public security, political economy and  psi    knowledge, systematically ignores the political agency of users and small drug producers. Secondly, searching the history of marijuana and its advocates, it describes the struggle to free the plant and get it back into the grounds of tolerated drunkenness, the medicine and industry.Keywords:  Pharmakon. Marijuana. Prohibitionism.  PHARMACOPÉE POLITIQUE: une ethnographie de l”™antiprohibitionnisme et de la lutte pour la libération du cannabis en Colombie  Résumé: Cet article mobilise les résultats d”™une recherche ethnographique réalisée avec le mouvement cannabique colombien entre 2013 et 2017. Dans la premiá¨re partie, on montre comment, dans ce pays la prohibition des drogues a émergé á  partir d”™un arrangement sanitaire, moral et économique destiné á  monopoliser la production des remá¨des et poisons. On affirme que la connaissance produite autour du rapport entre les personnes et le  pharmakon, développée principalement par des spécialistes en sécurité publique, économie politique et savoirs psy, ignore systématiquement l”™expertise politique des usagers et des petits producteurs de drogues. Dans la deuxiá¨me partie, en suivant l”™histoire du cannabis et de ses défenseurs, on décrit la lutte pour  libérer  la plante et pour la réintégrer á  nouveau dans les champs de l”™ivresse tolérée, des médicaments et de l”™industrie.Mots-clés:  Pharmakon. Cannabis. Prohibitionnisme.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gagah Yaumiyya Riyoprakoso ◽  
AM Hasan Ali ◽  
Fitriyani Zein

This study is based on the legal responsibility of the assessment of public appraisal reports they make in land procurement activities for development in the public interest. Public assessment is obliged to always be accountable for their assessment. The type of research found in this thesis is a type of normative legal research with the right-hand of the statue approach and case approach. Normative legal research is a study that provides systematic explanation of rules governing a certain legal category, analyzing the relationship between regulations explaining areas of difficulty and possibly predicting future development. . After conducting research, researchers found that one of the causes that made the dispute was a lack of communication conducted between the Government and the landlord. In deliberation which should be the place where the parties find the meeting point between the parties on the magnitude of the damages that will be given, in the field is often used only for the delivery of the assessment of the compensation that has been done.


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