Ökonomische Bedeutung und rechtlicher Rahmen der staatlichen Werbung in der ungarischen Medienpolitik

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Gábor Polyák
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The situation of media freedom, the current problems of media regulation in Hungary has been a constant issue of the European agenda since 2010. Despite the fierce criticism of domestic, European and international organizations, neither the legal framework nor the direction of media policy steps changed. The media policy measures of recent years gradually led to an extensive transformation of the media system. The process is based on three contiguous pillars. These are undermining the independence of the supervisory bodies of private and public media, manipulating access to the resources necessary for their activity in the media market, and manipulating the information environment by controlling the access to public information and the political agenda. This paper highlights the communication and funding roles of state advertising and campaigning and the legal issues they raise. State advertising should by no means favour certain market players unfoundedly, because in such cases they can be considered as prohibited state aid in the terms of the European law. The practice of placing state advertisements in Hungary does not meet the normal market conditions. These advertisements are also problematic from the point of view of media law classification, however the Hungarian media authority always applies the law in favour of the government. This behaviour can also be found in the practice of assessing media concentrations. The misuse of public finance and the authorities’ biased decisions together resulted in the largest media concentration in Europe at the end of 2018.

scholarly journals Zmiany w polityce medialnej Węgier i Polski

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Konarska
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Common Elements ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Media Markets ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Changes in the media policy of Hungary and Poland Changes in media policy in Poland in 2015–2020 suggest a correlation with the changes initiated in Hungary in 2010, when Viktor Orbán and his party Fidesz took power. The aim of the article is to present and make a comparative analysis of the changes introduced in the media policy of both countries. The list of regulations and actions of the government elites, consisting in interfering with media markets and the activities of public media, shows many similarities and common elements of media policy.

scholarly journals Broadcasting Public Service in the Arab World: Rupture and Continuity

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The World ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 

Selective Liberalization

2013 ◽  
pp. 32-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terje S. Skjerdal
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Government Control ◽  
News Agency ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Informal Coercion ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Flow Of Information

This chapter discusses recent developments in Ethiopian media governance. The developments point in two directions: Formally speaking, media policy is liberalized, exemplified by improved media legislation, better access to public information, and issuing of private broadcasting licences. However, informally speaking, Ethiopian media governance shows signs of coercion. This is seen for example in increased government control with the official news agency, use of anti-terrorism legislation against journalists, and obstruction of political websites. The chapter suggests that the paradoxes in Ethiopian media governance may be explained as a case of selective liberalization, implying that liberalization is primarily found in areas where the risk of losing control with the flow of information is less for the government. Alongside selective liberalization, there is an undercurrent of unofficial policy in Ethiopia that may represent a return to informal coercion towards the media industry.

Euroatlanske integracije i savremeni izazovi razvojne politike javnog komuniciranja u Bosni i Hercegovini

2017 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Information Needs ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Specific Information ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.

The State and Media Financing: Bulgaria and the Mediterranean Media Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Media System ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Government

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.

The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Local Content ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media

The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.

scholarly journals The Financial Investigation of Human Trafficking in the UK: Legal and Practical Perspectives

2019 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 284-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Middleton ◽  
Georgios A Antonopoulos ◽  
Georgios Papanicolaou
Keyword(s):  
Human Trafficking ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Organised Crime ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
Modern Slavery ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

A significant body of law and policy has been directed to organised crime generally, with Human Trafficking remaining high on the political agenda. This article conducts a contextualised study of Human Trafficking in the UK, examining the underpinning legal framework before drawing on the expertise of key professionals in the sector, who have been interviewed for this purpose. It is suggested that it is not so much the legal framework that is the problem, but rather there are a number of practical and policy-related considerations that the government should consider as part of their efforts to combat Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking.

scholarly journals Political Agenda Setting in the Hybrid Media System: Why Legacy Media Still Matter a Great Deal

2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ines Langer ◽  
Johannes B. Gruber
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
News Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Investigative Journalism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Media System ◽  
Hybrid Dynamics ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article examines the roles of the media in the process of political agenda setting. There is a long tradition of studies on this topic, but they have mostly focused on legacy news media, thus overlooking the role of other actors and the complex hybrid dynamics that characterize contemporary political communication. In contrast, through an in-depth case study using mixed-methods and multiplatform data, this article provides a detailed analysis of the roles and interactions between different types of media and how they were used by political and advocacy elites. It explores what happened in the different parts of the system, and thus the paths to attention that led to setting this issue in the political and media agendas. The analysis of the case, a partial policy reversal in the United Kingdom provoked by an immigration scandal known as the “Windrush scandal” reveals that the issue was pushed into the agenda by a campaign assemblage of investigative journalism, political and advocacy elites, and digitally enabled leaders. The legacy news media came late but were crucial. They greatly amplified the salience of the issue and, once in “storm mode,” they were key for sustaining attention and pressure, eventually compelling the government to respond. It shows that they often remain at the core of the “national conversation” and certainly in the eye of a media storm. In the contemporary context, characterized by fierce battles for attention, shortening attention spans and fractured audiences, this is key and has important implications for agenda setting and beyond.

scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

scholarly journals National security of Mexico and USA. Between pride and ineffectivness

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31
Author(s):  
Víctor Hugo Ramírez Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
White House ◽  
Clear Vision ◽  
Comprehensive Development ◽  
The Government

This article pays special attention to the genesis of relations and documents in the field of national security, which determine the relationship between Mexico and the United States, examines its framework and results, as well as the concept and constitutional foundations of national security and defense of Mexico.In this conceptual framework, it is noteworthy that in March 2021 the American delegation, headed by Roberta Jacobson, the former US Ambassador to Mexico, the White House Border Coordinator, arrived in Mexico. Both delegations announced that the talks would focus on ensuring orderly, safe and legal migration in the region and progress in implementing the Comprehensive Development Plan for the Northern Region of Central America, but in fact, the main subject of talks would was US national security. In other words, the regulation of migration flows from Mexico and the countries of the so-called Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador).The topics mentioned above are not new on the US-Mexico bilateral agenda, and in this regard, the government of President Biden seems to revise Donald Trump’s policy on migration, with a special focus on national security, using less aggressive rhetoric, without threats to continue the construction of the border wall, but, in turn, more rigid from a political point of view. In view of the above, it appeared appropriate to present the legal framework, set out primarily in the constitution, on which Mexico relies and which allows it to properly negotiate and at the same time have a clear vision on the current state of national security between the two countries.

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