scholarly journals German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-58
Author(s):  
V. B. Belov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Face ◽  
Rapid Restoration

The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.

Party-Political and Socio-Economic Сonsequences of Elections to the German Bundestag

2021 ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
V.B. Belov
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
The Face ◽  
German Bundestag ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Further Development

The article examines the results of the last Bundestag elections. They marked the end of the Angela Merkel era and reflected the continuation of difficult party-political and socio-economic processes in the informal leader of the European Union. The main attention of the research focuses on the peculiarities of the election campaign of the leading parties and of the search for ways of further development of Germany in the face of urgent economic and political challenges. These challenges include the impact of the coronavirus crisis, the impact of the energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, and the complex international situation. Based on original sources, the author analyzes the causes of the SPD victory and the CDU/CSU bloc defeat, the results of the negotiations of the Social Democrats with the Greens and Liberals, the content of the coalition agreement from the point of view of the prospects for the development of domestic and foreign policy and the economy of Russia's main partner in the west of the Eurasian continent. The conclusion is made about the absence of breakthrough ideas, the consistent continuation of the course started by the previous government for a carbon-free economy and the strengthening of the role of Germany in Europe and the world. For this course, conflicts and problems in achieving the set goals will be immanent due to the compromising nature of the coalition agreements.

A Crise na União Europeia e os Impactos nos Princípios Fundamentais do Trabalho Diante da Flexibilização de Direitos pelos Estados-Membros em Contrariedade aos Preceitos do Direito Comunitário

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 343-356
Author(s):  
Andréa Arruda VAZ ◽  
Marco Antônio Lima Berberi ◽  
Tais Martins
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Human Person ◽  
Working Hours ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Retirement Age ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The Face ◽  
European Community Law

The research presents in a practical way the impacts of the crisis of 2008 and following years in Europe and the action of the economic block, to mitigate the crisis through austerity measures, which last to date. The search for a solution to the crisis that has plagued the European Union, the possible conflict with unavailable rights and the imposed need for flexibilization of rights, especially in labour law, deserves debate. The measures put forward by the member countries of the European Union to solve the economic crisis are also partly linked to the idea of the suppression of rights. For example, we mention the reduction of working hours, an increase in the retirement age, among other fundamental precepts inherent to the dignity of the human person, which have been made more flexible during the crisis. This article discuss the legality of these flexibilities in the face of the protection of fundamental human rights and European Community law, from the point of view of international law, of the Convention OIT, ONU, which have been ratified by the various countries of Europe. Over the years, the European Union has been going through a series of crises and consequent precarious labour law, one of the most recent and relevant, the UNITED KINGDOM’s withdrawal from the European Union through so-called Brexit.

What Changed?

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The European Union ◽  
High Courts ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This chapter provides an outline of the change that took place in Turkey between 2007 and 2011, signalling a historic shift in the use of power in the country, long controlled by a staunch and virtually autonomous bureaucracy, both military and civilian, and known as ‘the state’, in the face of the chronically fragile democratic politics, forming ‘the government’. The time-honoured identity politics of the very bureaucracy, centred on ‘Westernisation’ as a policy incentive, was deftly appropriated by the ruling AKP via newly tightened links with the European Union to transform the settled centre-periphery relations often considered to be pivotal to Turkish politics, and reconfigure access to power. The chapter details the gradual fall of the bureaucracy—that is, the military, the higher education, and the system of high courts—and recounts the basic developments in foreign policy and on the domestic scene during and immediately after the change.

scholarly journals GERMANY’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS OF UKRAINE

2017 ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
V. Krushinsky ◽  
B. Pryimak
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Region ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Foreign Policy Strategies ◽  
The Eu

Despite the long history of relations Ukraine had a sidetrack in the German Eastern European politics. Ukrainian-German relations were in the shadow of German-Russian. This led to inconsistencies in the development of the German strategy for Ukraine and its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Another cause is a dualism of German foreign policy – as a nation-state on the one hand and on the other – as the informal leader of the EU, the most influential country in the union, whose foreign policy to some extent affects Europe overall. As the informal leader of the EU, Germany wants to strengthen the organization, including by means of the expansion and attraction of the new member-states. At the same time, Germany cannot let the entry of economically weak and politically unstable states that will dilute the strength of the organization. This opinion is shared by the German foreign policy, since the increased number of weak economies in the EU will increase the burden on the economy of Germany. On the one hand this will prorogue considerably Ukraine’s entry to the EU and NATO, but at the same time the situation may change for the better in the event that positive changes take place in Ukraine. The breakdown of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is characterized by significant changes in the format of relations between countries, including the Eastern region, in particular the relations between Ukraine and Germany changed significantly. There is an abandonment of the fixed spheres of influence concept and political supremacy of some states over others. Germany and many of countries in the region are united in the European Union and NATO. There are new mighty centers of power, especially Poland, which is trying to play an independent role. This dictates the need for Germany to take into account the position of the Polish foreign policy strategies under development in the region.

scholarly journals Geopolitical Implications and Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis for Ukraine

World Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 183 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-269
Author(s):  
Pavlo Klimkin ◽  
Andreas Umland
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Eu

Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all, an alternative way to decrease Ukraine’s current institutional isolation is to develop more intense bilateral relations with friendly states across the globe, including Germany and the United States. In Eastern Europe, moreover, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova should attempt to create new multilateral networks with post-communist member countries of NATO as well as the EU, and try to become part of such structures as the Three Seas Initiative or Bucharest Nine group.

scholarly journals Ukrainian Economic Reforms: Current Status And Perspectives In The Face Of Competition On European Union Markets

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianna Greta ◽  
Mieczysław Pakosz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Current Status ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Economic Collapse ◽  
The Government

The conflict in Ukraine since the beginning of 2014 has been the important in the history of Ukraine as an independent state. Despite the danger of economic collapse, the loss of Crimea, and war in its most industrialized region, Ukraine is still trying to conduct reforms and implement Western standards. Through persistent work Ukraine has been moving forward, despite all the difficulties. The society is staying together with the government to save the economy and defend the integrity of the whole country. This article outlines key processes in the Ukrainian reforms during 2014 and describes the cooperation of Ukraine with the European Union and international organizations in the field of financial support and reforms. The main goal of the article is to present the situation in various spheres of the country’s development, but it is also an attempt to present a wider perspective on both the achievements and shortcomings in the process of reforms. The authors focus on those aspects having a significant impact on the Ukrainian economy after February 2014.

Mongolian-Russian diplomatic relations: history and prospects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amarjargal Dashnyam ◽  
Bulgantsetseg Gunchinsharav
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Further Development

The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.

The EU Soft Power in the Global Equilibrium

2014 ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
A. Baykov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Power Strategies ◽  
The Eu

The paper analyzes the basic parameters of the soft power of the European Union in the context of the effectiveness of its foreign policy and comparison with the efforts of Russia's own resources capacity of non-violent political influence. To solve this purpose the author dissects the basic interpretation soft power, reviews the criteria to measure the effectiveness foreign policy, highlights the existing scholarly discussion regarding the applicability, relevance and accuracy of the concepts of hard and soft power in applied policy analysis. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trust in international relations in general and in the relations between Russia and the EU in particular. The presence of trust in international relations constitutes a prerequisite to solve any problems for foreign policy. Analyzing the practical expression of the basic values of Western European countries and Russia the article concludes that the efficiency of 'soft power' strategies exercised both by Russia and the EU vis-à-vis each other is rather low. The multi-faceted relations between Russia and the European Union with closely interwoven national interests of different countries do not make these relationships easier whereas a whole array of historical and psychological problems do not add trust. Therefore, it is reasonable to opt for formalized dialogue institutions. In conclusion, the author provides recommendations for medium-and long-term prospects of the bilateral relations.

The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Helsinki, Finland

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Liisa Laakso
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Nordic Countries ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Many

Africa occupies a special position in the foreign policies of the Nordic countries of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden. In spite of their limited capacities, lack of colonial ties with Africa, or any significant economic interests in Africa, the Nordic countries have attained a relatively high profile, especially in Southern Africa. After Finland and Sweden joined the European Union (EU) in 1995, Africa assumed an even greater level of foreign policy significance for the Nordic countries. Most notable in this regard is Finland’s assumption in 1999 of the EU presidency, a position that makes Finland responsible for the negotiations over the continuation of the EU’s Lomé Convention with 71 countries of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific. It is in this context that this article assesses Nordic perceptions of the Clinton administration’s foreign policy toward Africa. It is important to note, however, that there is no one monolithic “Nordic perspective.” The opinions and approaches documented in policy papers or informal statements by individual civil servants following African affairs can widely vary. People working with development cooperation, for example, tend to be more recipient-oriented than those looking at Africa from a more general foreign policy point of view. The tradition of outspoken human rights policy still differentiates Norwegian and Swedish approaches from the cautious policy of Finland. Yet behind these different tones, one can distinguish common premises stemming from the many similarities of the Nordic countries and their conscious efforts to generate coherent, coordinated foreign policies toward Africa.

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