scholarly journals Digital Security Act and Investigative Journalism in Bangladesh: A Critical Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.

Author(s):  
Anushka Singh

Liberal democracies claim to give constitutional and legal protection of varying degrees to the right to free speech of which political speech and the right to dissent are extensions. Within the right to freedom of expression, however, some category of speeches do not enjoy protection as they are believed to be ‘injurious’ to society. One such unprotected form of political speech is sedition which is criminalized for the repercussions it may have on the authority of the government and the state. The cases registered in India in recent months under the law against sedition show that the law in its wide and diverse deployment was used against agitators in a community-based pro-reservation movement, a group of university students for their alleged ‘anti-national’ statements, anti-liquor activists, to name a few. Set against its contemporary use, this book has used sedition as a lens to probe the fate of political speech in liberal democracies. The work is done in a comparative framework keeping the Indian experience as its focus, bringing in inferences from England, USA, and Australia to intervene and contribute to the debates on the concept of sedition within liberal democracies at large. On the basis of an analytical enquiry into the judicial discourse around sedition, the text of the sedition laws, their political uses, their quotidian existence, and their entanglement with the counter-terror legislations, the book theorizes upon the life of the law within liberal democracies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Mialon ◽  
Diego Alejandro Gaitan Charry ◽  
Gustavo Cediel ◽  
Eric Crosbie ◽  
Fernanda Baeza Scagliusi ◽  
...  

Abstract Objective: To identify and monitor food industry use of political practices during the adoption of nutrition warning labels (WL) in Colombia. Design: Document analysis of publicly available information triangulated with interviews. Setting: Colombia. Participants: Eighteen key informants from the government (n 2), academia (n 1), civil society (n 12), the media (n 2) and a former food industry employee (n 1). Results: In Colombia, the food industry used experts and groups funded by large transnationals to promote its preferred front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FOPL) and discredit the proposed warning models. The industry criticised the proposed WL, discussing the negative impacts they would have on trade, the excessive costs required to implement them and the fact that consumers were responsible for making the right choices about what to eat. Food industry actors also interacted with the government and former members of large trade associations now in decision-making positions in the public sector. The Codex Alimentarius was also a platform through which the industry got access to decision-making and could influence the FOPL policy. Conclusions: In Colombia, the food industry used a broad range of political strategies that could have negatively influenced the FOPL policy process. Despite this influence, the mandatory use of WL was announced in February 2020. There is an urgent need to condemn such political practices as they still could prevent the implementation of other internationally recommended measures to improve population health in the country and abroad, nutrition WL being only of them.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Rose

The Literary Agenda is a series of short polemical monographs about the importance of literature and of reading in the wider world and about the state of literary education inside schools and universities. The category of 'the literary' has always been contentious. What is clear, however, is how increasingly it is dismissed or is unrecognised as a way of thinking or an arena for thought. It is sceptically challenged from within, for example, by the sometimes rival claims of cultural history, contextualized explanation, or media studies. It is shaken from without by even greater pressures: by economic exigency and the severe social attitudes that can follow from it; by technological change that may leave the traditional forms of serious human communication looking merely antiquated. For just these reasons this is the right time for renewal, to start reinvigorated work into the meaning and value of literary reading. For the Internet and digitial generation, the most basic human right is the freedom to read. The Web has indeed brought about a rapid and far-reaching revolution in reading, making a limitless global pool of literature and information available to anyone with a computer. At the same time, however, the threats of censorship, surveillance, and mass manipulation through the media have grown apace. Some of the most important political battles of the twenty-first century have been fought--and will be fought--over the right to read. Will it be adequately protected by constitutional guarantees and freedom of information laws? Or will it be restricted by very wealthy individuals and very powerful institutions? And given increasingly sophisticated methods of publicity and propaganda, how much of what we read can we believe? This book surveys the history of independent sceptical reading, from antiquity to the present. It tells the stories of heroic efforts at self-education by disadvantaged people in all parts of the world. It analyzes successful reading promotion campaigns throughout history (concluding with Oprah Winfrey) and explains why they succeeded. It also explores some disturbing current trends, such as the reported decay of attentive reading, the disappearance of investigative journalism, 'fake news', the growth of censorship, and the pervasive influence of advertisers and publicists on the media--even on scientific publishing. For anyone who uses libraries and Internet to find out what the hell is going on, this book is a guide, an inspiration, and a warning.


Author(s):  
Dirk Voorhoof

The normative perspective of this chapter is how to guarantee respect for the fundamental values of freedom of expression and journalistic reporting on matters of public interest in cases where a (public) person claims protection of his or her right to reputation. First it explains why there is an increasing number and expanding potential of conflicts between the right to freedom of expression and media freedom (Article 10 ECHR), on the one hand, and the right of privacy and the right to protection of reputation (Article 8 ECHR), on the other. In addressing and analysing the European Court’s balancing approach in this domain, the characteristics and the impact of the seminal 2012 Grand Chamber judgment in Axel Springer AG v. Germany (no. 1) are identified and explained. On the basis of the analysis of the Court’s subsequent jurisprudence in defamation cases it evaluates whether this case law preserves the public watchdog-function of media, investigative journalism and NGOs reporting on matters of public interest, but tarnishing the reputation of public figures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdullahi Maigari ◽  
Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Qadir

This paper examines the abduction of the schoolgirls in Chibok Local Government Area of Borno State, Nigeria in 2014. The paper examined how the abduction of the schoolgirls generated responses and support for the rescue of the abducted girls from people and organization from different parts of the globe. The Islamists terrorist organization operating in Borno State has attracted the attention of the world since 2009 when they started attacking government establishments and security installations northeast which later escalated to major cities in Northern Nigeria. Methodologically, the paper utilized secondary sources of data to analyze the phenomenon studied. The paper revealed that the development and innovations in information and communication technology which dismantled traditional and colonial boundaries enabled people to express support, solidarity and assist victims of conflict who resides millions of Kilometers away. This shows that Internet-based communications technology has reduced the distance of time and space that characterised traditional mass media. The campaign for the release of the schoolgirls on the social media platforms particularly Twitter and Facebook has tremendously contributed to the release of some of them. Furthermore, the girls freed from abduction have received proper attention: education and reintegration programmes which enable them to start post-abduction life. In this regard, social media has become a tool for supporting the government in moments of security challenges which the Bring Back Our Girls campaign attracted foreign and domestic assistance to Nigeria in the search of the abducted girls and the fight against the Islamist insurgents.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (IV) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Dr. Ram Charan Meena,

Persons with disabilities have the right to enjoy the human rights to life, liberty, equality, security and dignity as human beings. However, due to social apathy, psychological barriers, a limited definition of “disability” entitled to the protection of the law and lack of proper data, persons with disabilities in India remain an invisible category. Although many laws set out to ensure their full and effective participation in society, they remain inadequate as they are based primarily on the discretion of the government. Also, the judiciary acts as the real protector of persons with disabilities whenever an opportunity arises, but it is not possible to approach the judiciary for every request. Unless the foundation of the law is strengthened, persons with disabilities cannot fully exercise their rights. The present research paper mentions the contemporary situation of people with disabilities with the current laws and concepts, and also the researcher believes that it is not only the law that will provide a solution to this problem, it is the change in the outlook of the society which may provide a solution to this problem. Thus, the horizons of the law should be expanded to provide a “human friendly environment” for all persons with disabilities to remove the barriers that impede their development. With timely implementation the time has come for effective legislation to protect their interests and empower their capabilities which are based on “rights–based approach” rather than charity, medical or social approach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Sarah Muchetwa ◽  
Ephraim Maruta ◽  
Hilda Jaka ◽  
Joyman Ruvado ◽  
Evans Chazireni

The paper reports findings from a study that explored health communication strategies employed by the media on the state of preparedness by the Zimbabwean government during the COVID 19 crisis by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Television (ZBC-TV). The study adopted secondary data analysis. Data were collected using secondary sources. The study was influenced by the framing theory. The study found out that ZBC-TV used songs, road shows, commercial ads, dramas, musical shows on reporting the pandemic. The archival documents also revealed that ZBC-TV have used periodical updates as health communication strategies to educate the public about COVID 19. ZBC-TV also used Facebook showing staff from the Office of the President and Cabinet receiving the Covid 19 vaccine at the same time applauding positive response from Harare Metropolitan Province as front line workers surpassed the target under the first phase of Covid-19 vaccine roll out plan. The study concluded that the health communication strategies employed by ZBC-TV have been effective in increasing the societal awareness about health issues. ZBC-TV managed to reach out to the masses using both the television and by making use of the new media communication technologies. However, press censorship has been a challenge in publishing information concerning COVID 19 as the media house is not allowed to publish anything that tarnishes the image of the government. It is based on such evidence that the study concludes that ZBC-TV at some point distorted information to paint the picture that the government is doing all it can to contain the spread of COVID 19 and ensuring the safety of the public. The study recommends that the ministry should ensure freedom of information publicity, in which media houses, including ZBC-TV is not controlled by any political party of government. The government should also privatise ZBC-TV so that it will be answerable to the public and not few government officials. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0895/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Humaniora ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Vidya Prahassacitta

The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency. 


Rechtsidee ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hariansi Panimba Sampebulu

The position of women in legal construction in Indonesia today is still difficult to adjust to the circumstances that occur, especially in terms of equality issues. The abortion that has been a problem for so long time, being discussed because of the rules that are considered not in accordance with the existing rules, and the amount of pressure from various things. Law and Women are always placed in objects that are not neutral, especially in terms of discussing reproductive health. The government and legislation feel that they have a stake in integrating reproductive health owned by women. It is the position of women in the law that gives rise to many struggle movements and the diffusion of feminism in Indonesia. The rules of Article 31 paragraph 1 and 2 of Government Regulation Number 61 of 2014 which regulate safe abortion need to be more attention and safeguarded, so that a woman has the right to be based on herself. 


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