scholarly journals Current Trends in the Development of International Terrorism: A Current Understanding of the Problem

Author(s):  
Ivo Svoboda ◽  
Tymur O. Loskutov ◽  
Oleksandra B. Severinova ◽  
Olha M. Peresada ◽  
Andriy O. Shulha

The study examines the development of international terrorism and the problem of its definition. Consequently, the objective of the study was to generate a systemic view of international terrorism and to identify current trends in its development. A structural and functional analysis of international terrorism as a political phenomenon was used. Based on the analytical model provided, the development of international terrorism was divided into periods based on political and geographical zoning. Three consistent principles determine the key characteristics of international terrorism as a rational strategy of unconventional political struggle: the transition to asymmetrical actions, attacks on symbolic objects, and influencing public opinion as the main objective. This triality of characteristics linked to a model of the political process defines the existence of international terrorism as a phenomenon and provides a key to understanding its dynamics. It is concluded that there are four periods in the development of international terrorism, divided into two cycles with breaking points, ascending, and descending phases. The proposed periodization of the development of international terrorism is based on the identification of the centers as political-geographical areas, where contradictions are configured and the political struggle that is part of the logic of the terrorist strategy.

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-60
Author(s):  
Angela J. Aguayo

Despite the increasing tendency for documentary to function as political discourse, there is little historical work addressing the rhetorical and material influence of documentary in public life. These stories of documentary impulse and political struggle have been only erratically recorded. Documentary scholarship frequently addresses the issues that surround the process of social change, focusing on the screen as the central location for communicative exchange, but there are many other sites of struggle for those working on the ground with documentary and the political process. This chapter will cover the broader questions of documentary and social change, how it functions in relation to generating participatory media cultures. The chapter will specifically address the shifts in the documentary commons and how opportunities for social change emerged as it moved through the introduction of portable analog video recording equipment in the late 1960s and on into a digital culture of new media. This chapter will contribute to articulating the ways in which documentary is a distinct form of discourse that engages the political in patterned ways, creating a mediated commons for the engagement of political struggle.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Margit Balogh

As a result of the political struggle that unfolded in Hungary after the Second World War, the only independent institution remaining in the country was the Catholic Church headed by the Archbishop of Esztergom, Cardinal József Mindszenty. Part One of the article reconstructs the investigation and political process against the primate, who was arrested on charges of high treason, preparing a coup aimed at overthrowing the republican system, espionage, and currency speculation. Part Two deals with the political process and show trial of Mindszenty. The hearings began on 3 February 1949 at the Budapest People’s Court, and, on 8 February 1949, the guilty verdict was announced. The facts were so cleverly manipulated that Mindszenty’s hopes for a change in the political system in the country were qualified as a political conspiracy. The cardinal was sentenced to life imprisonment, deprivation of civil rights, and complete confiscation of property. While preparing for the court of second instance, Mindszenty put forward new projects aimed at reconciling the state and the Church. Deeply disappointed, the cardinal signed his letters “condemned”, “prisoner”, and “condemned archbishop”. The show-trial and long prison confinement only strengthened the cardinal’s faith. This article is based on documents held by the Hungarian National Archives, the Historical Archives of the State Security Services, the Esztergom Primate Archives, the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the National Archives and Records Administration (USA), and others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-217
Author(s):  
Anton I Emelianov

The article discusses the impact of Internet technologies on the political process in Russia and in the world. The author draws attention to the emergence of new trends in the field of IT, which bring new to the electoral process, PR-activities, agitation, propaganda and counter-propaganda. It is suggested that political actors should act within the framework of the new rules of the game, without neglecting the transfer of political struggle in the Internet space. The article draws attention to the fact that the Internet activity of political actors can be both positive and negative in perception and goals. Given the impact that the Internet has on the political sphere of society, we can assume that the virtual environment will be the main stage of political struggle. The author emphasizes that modern political technologists should take this factor into account in their activities. Thus, the author concludes that the online space significantly expands the tools of political campaigns and radically transforms the relationship between citizens and the state, forming the real prerequisites for the development of democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (8) ◽  
pp. 78-89
Author(s):  
I. N. Grebenkin

The crisis of the statehood in Russia in 1917 revealed the inability of traditional political institutions to execute its primary responsibilities which allowed new participants into the arena of the political struggle. One of these was the new army having appeared as a result of mass mobilization, however much different from a typical pre-war full-time army with its personnel, structure and its place in state life. In early 1917 the state and attitude of the army was similar to that of the general societal population, in particular the unpopularity of both the war and the political leadership of the country. The army participation was essential to the February Revolution victory. The Petrograd infantry revolt within military ranks defined the final success of the coup in the capital, and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters agreed with the opposition and became an organizer of the Emperor recantation. Revolutionary changes gave an impulse to the politicization of army life. Soldiers’ and sailors’ anti-military ambition growth led to the rapid decline of discipline and fighting efficiency. In the summer of 1917, a number of generals headed by general L. G. Kornilov offered the government a number of proposed strong measures directed towards the recovery of discipline within the country and army. The intention to put in place a steady regime in the interests of continuing the war could not be coordinated openly, therefore it obtained a conspiracy nature between the Provisional Government and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters. The realization of it became impossible in the absence of the participants’ mutual confidence and respect. The breakdown between them became the cause of the August political crisis and future radicalization of internal conflict. Military contingents became the main military power of the October Revolution in Petrograd. Soldiers’ and sailors’ conviction in justice of revolutionary reorganizations and waiting for the coming peace resulted in their increased influence for determining political direction.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
JÖRG FRIEDRICHS

Who shall have the power to define international terrorism? To answer this question, which means determining the international public enemy, is an eminently political task. According to Carl Schmitt, politics is essentially about determining the public enemy. When it comes to a situation of emergency, whoever is in the position to distinguish friend from enemy holds ultimate power. While Schmitt was still thinking primarily in terms of the nation-state, the determination of the public enemy has now become an international issue. To demonstrate this point, this article examines the political struggle behind the legal debate on the definition of international terrorism. This is done by comparing two debates on international terrorism, one held in the 1970s and the other in the 2000s. Both these debates had, and still have, their institutional locus in the UN General Assembly and its Legal Committee. In the 1970s the non-aligned countries tried to challenge the discretion of the West in determining the international public enemy. In the 2000s the incumbent regimes of the Third World agree with Western states that terrorism is a common threat. The main cleavage is now between the leading Western powers that would like to determine the public enemy on a case-by-case basis (the United States and the United Kingdom), and the status quo states that would like to tie these hegemonic powers by a legal definition. It is precisely the absence of such a legal definition that makes it possible for the hegemonic powers and their followers to determine the international public enemy on a case-by-case basis. A legal definition would increase the coherence of the international coalition against terrorism and serve as a limitation on the discretionary power of the hegemonic states.


1991 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathy L. Coufal ◽  
Allen L. Steckelberg ◽  
Stanley F. Vasa

Administrators of programs for children with communicative disorders in 11 midwestern states were surveyed to assess trends in the training and utilization of paraprofessionals. Topics included: (a) current trends in employment, (b) paraprofessional training, (c) use of ASHA and state guidelines, and (d) district policies for supervision. Selection criteria, use of job descriptions, training programs, and supervision practices and policies were examined. Results indicate that paraprofessionals are used but that standards for training and supervision are not consistently applied across all programs. Program administrators report minimal training for supervising professionals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


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