scholarly journals The Tokugawa Shoguns and Onmyōdō

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (1 and 2) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Hayashi Makoto

Onmyōdō was widely disseminated in Japan from around the tenth century. Astronomy, calendar making, yin-yang practices, and the allotment of time were under the jurisdiction of the Onmyōryō (Ministry of Yin-Yang), but Onmyōdō soon developed from a yin-yang practice into religious practice. Onmyōdō rituals were created in Japan under the influence of kami worship, Buddhism, and Daoism. The study of Onmyōdō was initially focused on activities performed within the aristocratic society, but increasingly new research is being conducted on the relationship between the military government (bakufu) and Onmyōdō. The interest in political history has encouraged the study of the different ways in which the shoguns of the Kamakura, Muromachi and Edo periods have utilized yin-yang practitioners (onmyōji) and conducted rituals. Source evidence suggests that Tokugawa shoguns were not afraid of astronomical irregularities (with the one exception of the fifth Shogun). During the rule of Tsunayoshi, a new calendar, created by Shibukawa Shunkai, made it possible to predict solar and lunar eclipses more accurately, and consequently people were no longer afraid of these phenomena. At the same time, the Tsuchimikado family was given official sanction to control the onmyōji of all provinces.

Tsaqofah ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (02) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Didin Komarudin Komarudin

This writing is based on the background that religious formalism is increasingly becoming a fundamental problem. This is marked by the patterns and behavior of people who claim to be religious but there is no concrete implementation in their daily lives. This research was conducted to determine the concept of religion as a fitrah for humans as well as how religious beliefs are to the level of the relationship between religion and science according to Murtadha Motahhari. This research is a qualitative study that uses a sociological analysis approach, while the data in this study come from content analysis collected from various sources. , the level of religious belief, until people know God, the criticisms of Murtadha muthahhari which are an integral part of the life of the above figures to practice true religious values. Religion as human nature gives birth to the belief that religion is the only way to fulfill all needs, so that religion is not only a label or social formality but is able to become a guide in life and life. All religions teach goodness and peace, and no religion teaches violence. But sometimes there is violence in the name of religion because of a lack of understanding or a distortion of the source of religion itself. So that religion is sometimes used, and it seems that religion and religious practice are the opposite. So what is blamed on the concept of religion itself is actually the one who is wrong for religious actors.


2019 ◽  
pp. 146-169
Author(s):  
Kathy Peiss

The American military government in Germany faced a particular problem of mass acquisitions tied to postwar occupation policy. The Allies had agreed to purge Nazism from the German book world. The military confiscated countless volumes, sequestering and even destroying them. Bookstores and publishers had been forced to surrender these works. Over time this became an operation to make an entire body of published works inaccessible and unreadable. Communications experts, social scientists, progressive educators, and librarians applied their expertise to achieve this goal. However, when Order No. 4 was issued, requiring the confiscation and destruction of all Nazi material, including books in public libraries, many Americans accused the military of engaging in book burning. The episode reveals tensions over the relationship between reading, freedom, democracy, and the wartime state.


Author(s):  
Nam Kyu Kim

Many scholars consider the military dictatorship a distinct authoritarian regime type, pointing to the singular patterns of domestic and international behaviors displayed by military regimes. Existing studies show that compared with civilian dictatorships, military dictatorships commit more human rights abuses, are more prone to civil war, and engage in more belligerent behaviors against other countries. Despite their coercive capacity, rulers of military dictatorships tend to have shorter tenures than rulers of non-military dictatorships. Additionally, military dictatorships more quickly and peacefully transition to democracy than their non-military counterparts and frequently negotiate their withdrawal from power. Given the distinct natures of military dictatorships, research on military dictatorships and coups has resurged since 2000. A great body of new research utilizing new theories, data, and methods has added to the existing scholarship on military rule and coups, which saw considerable growth in the 1970s. Most studies tend to focus on domestic issues and pay relatively little attention to the relationship between international factors and military rule. However, a growing body of studies investigates how international factors, such as economic globalization, international military assistance, reactions from the international community, and external threat environments, affect military rule. One particularly interesting research topics in this regard is the relationship between external territorial threats and military rule. Territorial issues are more salient to domestic societies than other issues, producing significant ramifications for domestic politics through militarization and state centralization. Militaries play a pivotal role in militarization and state centralization, both of which are by-products of external territorial threats. Thus, external territorial threats produce permissive structural conditions that not only prohibit democratization but also encourage military dictatorships to emerge and persist. Moreover, if territorial threats affect the presence of military dictatorships, they are more likely to affect collegial military rule, characterized by the rule of a military institution, rather than military strongman rule, characterized by the rule by a military personalist dictator. This is because territorial threats make the military more internally unified and cohesive, which helps the military rule as an institution. Existing studies provide a fair amount of empirical evidence consistent with this claim. External territorial threats are found to increase the likelihood of military regimes, particularly collegial military regimes, as well as the likelihood of military coups. The same is not true of non-territorial threats. This indicates that the type of external threat, rather than the mere presence of an external threat, matters.


1973 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Isaacman

This study seeks to redefine the ritual significance of the madzi-manga through the use of Barue oral traditions. It goes beyond a redefinition of the ritual to study the entire process of investiture, the role of the senior mhondoro in Barue society, and the exact nature of the relationship between the Barue and the Portuguese. It concludes that the madzi-manga represented neither a Catholic baptism nor a syncretic religious practice, as has been previously argued. Rather, it was the traditional medium through which the sacred qualities of kingship were transrnitted.


1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Forand

In antiquity and in the Middle Ages slavery played a significant role in the military, economic, political and social life of the Near East. Many studies have been made of these aspects of life, but little has been said in the context of Islam about the psychological bonds which, at least to some extent, characterize the relationship between slave or freedman and master. The institution of ‘mutual alliance’ also played an important part in Islamic history, and there were certain similarities between the relation of the ‘ally’ to the patron on the one hand, and of the freedman to the former master on the other. But it is the purpose of this discussion, in part, to point out some basic differences between the two relationships.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-62
Author(s):  
Patricio N. Abinales

This article re-examines the relationship between military intervention on the one hand, and civilian supremacy over the military and the enduring popularity and potency of suffrage and legislative politics, on the other. It shows how these two enduring features of Philippine politics have proven to be quite effective deterrents in neutralizing extremist acts like the coup. As “performative acts,” they help stabilize the Philippine polity by providing an alternative outlet for mass resentment or protest and help to neutralize rival radical rebellions. These also enable a weak state to reform or rejuvenate after periods of profound political crisis, albeit only partially. The coup, however, is a poor rival:its history is far shorter and littered with failures. It has since ceased to be a weapon of choice by military actors who now prefer cacique democracy as the arena in which to pursue their interests. This was evident during the term of Pres. Fidel Ramos and while the military leadership did launch a de facto coup by withdrewing its support for Pres. Joseph Estrada, it immediately reverted to the proverbial backroom deals and patronage relations with its civilian superiors under Pres. Gloria Arroyo.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhoda Rabkin

The Literature on democratic transitions suggests two opposite sorts of dangers that the successful democratizer must avoid: too much uncertainty on the one hand, and too little on the other. The first can lead to conflict, violence, and abortive transitions (Karl and Schmitter, 199D; while the second means there is no democracy at all, but leads to something less which has been variously called: "tutelary democracy," "electoralism," or "democradura."Before the government of Patricio Aylwin took office in Chile in March 1990, most observers anticipated that the return to democracy would bring considerable social conflict and political instability. Expressing a widely held view, one expert wrote: "Any return to democracy in Chile would entail vocal demands, from a variety of social groups and movements, to reverse the policies instituted by the regime since 1973" (Loveman 1986-87:29). The need to confront human rights abuses during the military government was another potentially explosive political issue.


Obraz ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-75
Author(s):  
Iryna Nasminchuk

The author of the article analyzes the issues and poetics of the documentary and journalistic publication by M. Slaboshpytsky «The Great War. 2014… Ukraine: challenges, events, materials». The influence of the military factor on human consciousness is being clarified. Peculiarities of the author’s concept of human and military dialectics are revealed in the aspect of anthropological reception. In this perspective, the relationship between the antinomies «man – power», «man – society», «man – state», «man – nation» is analyzed. It is proved that the first year of the war was reflected in different levels of traumatic experience. Thus, the creative meaning of the author’s idea manifested itself in the design of the journalistic text as a sharp contrast between the desperate heroism of Ukrainian soldiers on the one hand and the incompetence of the command on the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


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