scholarly journals Analysis of Development Performance of the New Autonomous Region in Indonesia 2010-2014: Profile and Determinant

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
Lambang Haris Wijayanto ◽  
Muhamad Fathul Muin

Blossoming territory is one of the efforts made by the government to improve the welfare of the community. This research is motivated by the high interest of the people and the People's Representative Council (PRC) to make their regional autonomous. On the other hand, according to the Ministry of the Interior of the New Autonomous Region, the results of the autonomous region still failed to develop. To see the welfare of the people in the region resulting from the autonomous, researchers tried to look at it based on the results of regional macro development. Therefore, a Regional Development Index (RDI) constructed, which uses the factor analysis weighting method. RDI can be used to see the achievements of the regional development in Indonesia by looking at the comparison of development outcomes. So that RDI can see the development performance of the new autonomous regency/city and see the comparison with the origin regency/city. Besides, researchers looked at the effect of the share of mining Regional GDP, the share of agricultural Regional GDP, the average length of school for workers (ALSW), the percentage of roads in a minimum good condition, and the growth of Regional Original Income (ROI) to development performance in the autonomous regency/city using the method of regression analysis with panel data. Based on the results obtained, development in the area of new autonomy is not much different from the development in the origin area. Also, the average length os school for workers (ALSW) and minimum road percentage both have positive and significant effects on RDI, while the share of agricultural GRDP has a negative and significant effect on RDI.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Betha Rahmasari

This article aims to find out the developmentidea or paradigm through village financial management based on Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. In this study, the researcher used a normative research methodby examining the village regulations in depth. Primary legal materials are authoritatuve legal materials in the form of laws and regulations. Village dependence is the most obvious violence against village income or financial sources. Various financial assistance from the government has made the village dependent on financial sources from the government. The use of regional development funds is intended to support activities in the management of Regional Development organizations. Therefore, development funds should be managed properly and smoothly, as well as can be used effectively to increase the people economy in the regions. This research shows that the law was made to regulate and support the development of local economic potential as well as the sustainable use of natural resources and the environment, and that the village community has the right to obtain information and monitor the planning and implementation of village development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Rikson Siburian ◽  
Minsyahril Bukit ◽  
Herlince Sihotang ◽  
Saur Lumban Raja ◽  
Minto Supeno ◽  
...  

Evaluation of environment of seaport is needed as well as our responsibility to nature sustainability. The Alor’s seaport belongs to Pelindo III. In order to know the air quality of Alor’s seaport, we did this study. Our aims are to know level quality of air at Alor’s seaport and compare to the government regulation. This study refers to Pararosaniline (SOx), Saltzman (NOx), Particle Calculation (dust) and decibel (noisy) methods. We used four locations, those are A-1 (Entrance gate of PELINDO (8013’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)); A-2 (In front of passengers terminal (8013’08.75”S, 124031’01.60”E)); A-3 (Exit  gate Kalabahi’s seaport (8013’08.2”S, 124031’00.87”E)) and A-4 (In front of port of the people (8011’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)). Results show that the averages level of SOx, NOx and dust of A-1, A-2 and A-3 are 103.01, 104.65 and 107.47 (µg/Nm3), 37.87, 30.62, and 39.73 (µg/Nm3), 56.64, 47.47 and 50.72 (µg/Nm), respectively. On the other hand, the level of noisy of A-1, A-2, A-3 and A-4 are 68.76, 65.69, 65.20 and 73.60 (dBA), respectively. Base on all of data, we conclude that the air quality of Alor’s seaport is still appropriate according to government regulation (PP. No. 4, 1999).


Philosophy ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
J. H. Muirhead

Second in importance only to the question raised by the short editorial in the last number of Philosophy: Why are we at War? is that on which there is at present a lively discussion going on in The Times and elsewhere under the title of “German Rulers and People”: With Whom are we at War? On one point there is no difference of opinion: we are at war with the blood- and crimestained group that, with Hitler at their head, hold the reins of government. Difference begins when it is asked what share the people of Germany as a whole has in their crimes. On the one side are those who hold that, as you cannot, in historical words, “bring an indictment against a whole nation,” neither can you be at war with a whole people, and that the main problem we have before us is the discovery of the means to appeal to the intelligence and hearts of the mass of the nation in order to enlist it against its Government as a common enemy. On the other side are those who quote the equally historic words that “every nation gets the kind of government it deserves,” from which “it follows that it deserves no immunity for the acts of the Government by which it chooses, or allows itself, to be governed.” This argument is reinforced first by a general philosophy of war as the “natural” order of things from which man is only gradually emerging into an exceptional and precarious condition of peace; and secondly, with regard to Germany in particular, that “the lust for dominance through force is, and will be for generations, at the root of the German character.” The importance of the issue as thus stated requires no emphasis.


1915 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-308
Author(s):  
A. N. Holcombe

The Massachusetts constitution of 1780 provided that there should be a council “for advising the governor in the executive part of the government.” The governor was authorized to convene the council at any time at his discretion “for the ordering and directing the affairs of the commonwealth.” Without the advice and consent of the council, the governor was declared to be incapable of exercising any of his powers of convoking, adjourning, or proroguing the legislature, of making appointments to office, of pardoning criminals, or of authorizing by warrant the expenditure of public moneys. The governor was not made dependent upon the advice and consent of his council in exercise of his legislative powers. He might at discretion recommend measures to the legislature and veto legislative enactments, but no executive authority whatsoever was entrusted to him alone, to be exercised without his council's advice and consent, except the command of the armed forces of the commonwealth. In short, the governor, though declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of the commonwealth, without the consent of his council was impotent in the conduct of state administration.In the beginning the Massachusetts council was chosen by the legislature, and constituted one of the chief agencies relied upon by the revolutionary “fathers” to protect the people against the menace of executive usurpation and tyranny. Similar bulwarks of liberty were established in most of the other states.


1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Maurice Low

A century of constitutional government in the United States has served to emphasize the wisdom of Hamilton's warning of “the tendency of the legislative authority to absorb every other.” He clearly foresaw and attempted to guard against, dangers that today are only too apparent. “In governments purely republican,” he wrote, “this tendency is almost irresistible. The representatives of the people, in a popular assembly, seem sometimes to fancy that they are the people themselves, and betray strong symptoms of impatience and disgust at the least sign of opposition from any other quarter; as if the exercise of its rights, by either the executive or the judiciary, were a breach of their privilege and an outrage to their dignity. They often appear disposed to exert an imperious control over the other departments; and, as they commonly have the people on their side, they always act with such momentum as to make it very difficult for the other members of the government to maintain the balance of the Constitution.”Never did human ingenuity devise a more nicely balanced system of government than when the framers of the Constitution allocated to the executive and to the legislature the exercise of powers not to be infringed by the other; but like many things human the intent has been perverted. Every person familiar with the Constitution, the debates in the convention, and the writings of Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in The Federalist, must know that the purpose of the framers of the Constitution was to create a system of government by which the President should become neither the creature nor the controller of the legislature; and by vesting certain exclusive powers in the popular branch and certain other powers in the Senate to provide that the line of demarcation between the two houses should not be overstepped.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Aris Puji Purwatiningsih ◽  
Muchlis Yahya

The purpose of this article is to find out the practices and problems of why zakat in Indonesia have not been manage optimally as it is in Malaysia. This study applies descriptive method by collecting data and information from previous articles about zakat, especially zakat management in Indonesia and Malaysia. The findings show that the main problems in managing zakat in Indonesia are: first, there is no government regulation that requires all Muslim citizens who have property that reach nisab requirement to give out zakat. Secondly, Moslem community prefers to pay zakat to the people whom they have already known rather than to the existing formal zakat institutions. Third, there is a lack of good cooperation between zakat institutions owned by the government and the other institutions run by private parties. The result of this of this study may be useful to be used by all parties involved in zakat management so that it can be managed more optimal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Anung Priambodo

Abstract: Indonesia's biodiversity and all the other potentials that are fairly abundant must be utilized to improve the welfare of the people. One mechanism that is expected to be able transform potential into aktus is education. Through the Ministry of National Education, the government sought the implementation level of the education curriculum (SBC) to connect the implementation of local excellence as part of the curriculum in school. Local advantages can be put in the subjects of local content (Muatan lokal) or integrated with other subjects. It is expected that learners can identify and develop potential advantages in the area to be objects that benefit for society. Keywords: revitalization, local advantages, and KTSP


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman

Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Sistem presidensial yang dikombinasikan dengan sistem multi partai dapat menjadi sistem yang stabil dan efektif dengan cara penyederhanaan partai politik, desain pelembagaan koalisi, dan pengaturan pelembagaan oposisi. Namun di sisi lain koalisi juga menjadi sangat berpengaruh pada stabilitas pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneliti politik hukum terkait praktik koalisi partai politik di Indonesia dan mengetahui upaya-upaya dalam praktik ketatanegaraan yang dapat merealisasikan stabilitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial pada koalisi di multi partai. Artikel ini menemukan kesimpulan bahwa model pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat justru menjadi penyebab disharmonisasi antara legislatif dan eksekutif yang mengarah kepada terjadinya kebuntuan antar kedua lembaga tersebut. Lebih-lebih apabila yang menguasai lembaga ekesekutif dan lembaga legislatif adalah dari latar belakang partai politik yang berbeda. Akibatnya, praktik koalisi seperti ini cenderung mengakibatkan lebih banyak masalah, sehingga penerapan sistem ini memiliki dampak signifikan terhadap demokrasi yang didefinisikan dan dinegosiasikan. This article attempts to review the practice of coalitions of political parties in the post-reform presidential system and assess the extent of their impact on the stability of the government. Post-1998 reform, a large number of political parties have been established, suggesting that the emergence of political fragmentation is inevitable. Instead of implementing a healthy government, political parties formed coalitions to strengthen their positions in parliament. The implication of implementing multi-party in the presidential system often creates deadlocks between the executive and the legislature. A presidential system combined with a multi-party system can become a stable and effective system by simplifying political parties, designing institutionalized coalitions, and organizing opposition institutions. But on the other hand, the coalition has also greatly influenced the stability of the government. By using normative juridical research methods, this article aims to examine legal politics related to the practice of political party coalitions in Indonesia and to find out the efforts in state administration practices that can realize the stability of the presidential system of government in multi-party coalitions. This article finds the conclusion that the legislative and executive election models directly elected by the people are the cause of disharmony between the legislature and the executive which leads to a deadlock between the two institutions. This is even more so if those who control the executive and legislative bodies are from different political party backgrounds. As a result, coalition practices like this are likely to cause more problems, so the adoption of these systems has a significant impact on defined and negotiated democracy.


Author(s):  
Aloysius Wisnubroto ◽  
Johanes Widijantoro

Objective - This research was aimed at firstly, uncovering how people in Mount Merapi meet their daily needs without government aids and secondly, finding the solutions to narrow the gap between regulations and the implementation of the people's ECOSOC rights. Methodology/Technique - The research conducted in 2012 showed that based on local wisdom values, hundreds of households rejected the government's policy related to the relocation. The policy was issued by the government for disaster risk reduction. Their villages were categorized as disaster-prone areas and banned to be inhabited. Because of their refusal, as a consequence, they did not receive any government aids. Findings - On one hand, the government is constitutionally required to protect and fulfil its citizens' ECOSOC rights; but, on the other hand, the government may not provide aid due to the existence of regulation prohibiting people living in disaster-prone areas. As a result, people rely on social capital and local wisdom to fulfil their daily needs, and to narrow the gap, the government should implement the concept of living in harmony with disaster. Based on the discussion in the previous sections, it can be concluded as follows: First, regulation and its implementation, which were based on positivism doctrine, had led the government to not fulfilling the ECOSOC rights of the people who rejected to be relocated. Novelty - The research suggests strategies for improving ECOSOC rights Type of Paper: Review Keywords: Disaster; Government Policy; ECOSOC Rights; Mount Merapi. JEL Classification: Q51, Q54, Q58.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Deni Umbara ◽  
Jum Hermanto ◽  
Franky Ariyadi

The Omnibus Law was first echoed during the inauguration of the President of theRepublic of Indonesia to be precise, on October 20, 2019. Omnibus Law is a legalconcept that will simplify a regulation. All the considerations are causedby too manyrules that have stagnated the economic growth experienced by this nation. With themany regulations, the president felt the need to take steps forward to minimize theseregulations. Acode was created that could back up all rules, namely the presence of theOmnibus Law Bill, which later the bill became a law called the Omnibus Law.Peoplewho reject and feel uneasy about the presence of the Omnibus Law Bill think that thisbill will only prioritize outside investment, making it a red carpet for foreign investors,the investment will only be enjoyed by the elite and a handful of people, which does notlead to job creation which will have an impact on improving people's welfare, makingworkers like production machines, loss of minimum wages, reducing overtime workinghours, and many other articles that castrate their own people. With the presence of thisbill, it will make this nation even more backward from democracy. The government andthe DPR should have drafted this law to protect and voice the voices of the peopleaffected by the regulations, not the other way around. Therefore, the people who are against it assess that the presence of this bill will legitimize investments that destroy the environment, ignore the assets of the people and indigenous peoples. The drafting ofthis bill was carried out behind closed doors without the participation of civil societyand recycled unconstitutional articles of centralization of authority that hurt the spiritof reform.


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