Subvenciones y Estado Autonómico Crítica de la última jurisprudencia constitucional

Author(s):  
Carlos AYMERICH CANO

LABURPENA: Espainiako Konstituzio Auzitegiak, duela gutxi eman dituen ebazpenetan, berrikusi egin du Estatuaren gastu ahalmenari eta diru-laguntzen arloko eskumen-banaketari buruz zeukan doktrina tradizionala, Konstituzio Auzitegiaren otsailaren 6ko 13/1992 Epaian kodetuta zegoena. Auzitegiak ekainaren 4an eta 6an emandako 130 eta 135/2013 epaiek berretsi egin dute 2003ko Diru-laguntzen Lege Orokorraren konstituzionaltasuna, eta modu zabalagoan interpretatu dituzte Estatuak arlo finantzarioan, ekonomikoan eta herri-administrazioen prozeduran zein araubide juridikoan dituen ahalmenak. Horrenbestez, aldaketa larriak eragin ditu autonomia-erkidegoen eskumen banaketaren eta ahalmenen sisteman. RESUMEN: Recientes pronunciamientos del TC español revisan su doctrina tradicional sobre el poder de gasto estatal y la distribución de competencias en materia de subvenciones codificada en la STC 13/1992, de 6 de febrero. Las recientes SsTC 130 y 135/2013, de 4 y 6 de junio respectivamente, además de sancionar la constitucionalidad de la Ley General de Subvenciones (LGS) de 2003, reinterpretan en clave expansiva títulos estatales en materia financiera, económica y de procedimiento y régimen jurídico de las administraciones públicas alterando gravemente el sistema de distribución de competencias y la posición de las Comunidades Autónomas. ABSTRACT: Recent judgments by the Spanish Constitutional Court go through its traditional standpoint over the State power of expenditure and the allocation of powers regarding the field of subsidies as established by the Constitutional Court judgment 13/1992 from February 6th. The recent rulings of the Constitutional Court 130 and 135/2013 from June 4th and 6th respectively, as well as approving the constitutionality of the General Act for Subsidies (from 2003), reinterpret in a more expansive way the State powers in finance and economic matters and in the procedure and legal regime of the public administrations by changing critically the system of allocation of powers and the position of the Autonomous Communities.

Author(s):  
Hèctor LÓPEZ BOFILL

LABURPENA: Eskumenak banatzeko sistemari dagokionez, ekainaren 28ko 31/2010 Epaiak, Kataluniako Autonomia Estatutuari buruzkoak, estatutu-arauek Estatuaren eta autonomia erkidegoaren arteko eskumen-egitura modulatzeko aukera bertan behera uzten du, nahiz eta sistema konstituzionalak estatutuen xedapenei nolabaiteko protagonismo teorikoa ematen dien konstituzionaltasunaren blokea egituratzean eta eskumenak hartzean. Hala, 31/2010 Ebazpenak erakusten duenez, Auzitegi Konstituzionalak kategoria orokorren gaineko interpretazioaren monopolioa berresten du, eskumenen definizio funtzionala egiterakoan (egileak eskumen-egituraren «hiperkonstituzionalizazioa» deitzen dio fenomeno horri). Gainera, autonomia erkidegoei aitortutako eskumenen esklusibotasun-kontzeptua lausotzen du, Estatuaren oinarrizko legeriaren kontzeptu orokor material eta formalari uko egiten dio, eta autonomia-erakunde horien eskumen betearazleen irismena mugatzen du. RESUMEN: En lo referido al sistema de distribución de competencias, la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional 31/2010, de 28 de junio, sobre el Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña, cierra la posibilidad de que las normas estatutarias modulen la estructura competencial entre el Estado y la Comunidad Autónoma pese al teórico protagonismo que el sistema constitucional confiere a las disposiciones estatutarias en la articulación del bloque de la constitucionalidad y en la asunción de competencias. En la doctrina emanada de la resolución 31/2010, el Tribunal Constitucional refuerza su monopolio interpretativo sobre categorías generales en la definición funcional de competencias (la llamada por el autor «hiperconstitucionalización» de la estructura competencial) diluyendo el concepto de exclusividad aplicado a las competencias reconocidas a las Comunidades Autónomas, renunciando a un concepto general material-formal de legislación básica estatal y restringiendo el alcance de las competencias ejecutivas de los mismos entes autonómicos. ABSTRACT: As far as the allocation of powers is concerned, the 31/2010 ruling by the constitutional Court, from June 28th, about the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, opens the door to the possibility that the Statute norms modulate the competences framework between the State and the Autonomous Community despite the theoretical prominence awarded to the Statute provisions for the articulation of the block of constitutionality and the assumption of competences. As the doctrine from the 31/2010 ruling by the Constitutional Court states, the Constitutional Court enhances its interpretative monopoly on the general categories regarding the functional definition of competences (the so called by the author hiperconstitutionalization of the competences framework) wakening down the concept of exclusivity applied to the competences recognized to the Autonomous Communities, renouncing to a general material-formal concept for the State basic legislation and restricting the scope of the executive competences of the Autonomous entities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (103) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ignacio González García

Resumen:En el actual contexto de profunda crisis del modelo territorial diseñado por la Constitución Española de 1978, son muchos los autores que han abogado por una reforma del Estado de las Autonomías en clave federal. Bien para transformarlo plenamente en un Estado federal, bien para corregir en un sentido más federal algunos de sus instrumentos disfuncionales. Uno de ellos es, sin duda, la colaboración entre Comunidades Autónomas y, en particular, los convenios de cooperación interautonómicos.La doctrina ha venido manifestando que el muy escaso número de convenios celebrados entre Comunidades Autónomas trae causa de la rigidez de su régimen jurídico, recogido en el artículo 145 CE y en los correspondientes Estatutos de Autonomía. En consecuencia, se ha venido proponiendo, de manera mayoritaria y reiterada, la reforma del citado artículo 145 CE en la dirección de eliminar el control que las Cortes Generales ejercen sobre la celebración de estospactos interautonómicos, en el entendido de que, además, así se le daría a este precepto constitucional una configuración más cercana a la que tendría en un verdadero Estado federal. En este trabajo se intenta justificar, sin embargo, que el régimen jurídico del artículo 145 CE no es la causa del deficiente funcionamiento de la colaboración horizontal en nuestro sistema, que el alcance de la potestad de control de las Cortes sobre estos convenios es muy distinto al descrito por la doctrina y que, además, la formulación actual del artículo 145 CE es plenamente compatible con la reconsideración en clave federal del resto del modelo territorial. Por todo ello, se defiende finalmente la improcedencia de lareforma constitucional propuesta.SummaryI. The failure of our model of territorial power distribution and the discussion on its alternatives. II. The federal «solution»: its political and technical legal dimension. 2.1. The federalism as an exit to the crisis of the model. 2.2. The technical aspects of an eventual federal or federalizing reform. III. Federal amendment of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution: the scholar diagnosis to the problem and the proposals of review. IV. Diagnostic errors and unsuitability of the proposed reform. 4.1. The «rigidity» of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution neither is a cause nor a concurring cause. 4.2. The federal nature of this constitutional provision. 4.3. The real extent of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution and the authorizing control of the Cortes Generales. 4.4. The intervention of the parliament of the State as an act reviewable by the Constitutional Court. V. Concluding remarks. VI. References. Abstract:In the current context of serious crisis of the territorial pattern envisaged by the 1978 Spanish Constitution, many authors have advocated for a reform of the State of the Autonomies in federal terms, either for transforming it fully into a Federal State, or for correcting some of its most dysfunctional instruments towards a more federal orientation. One of them is certainly the cooperation between Autonomous Communities and, in particular, agreements on inter-autonomic cooperation. The scholars have pointed out that the cause of the low number of agreements between Autonomous Communities is the rigidity of theirlegal regime, contained in Article 145 of the Spanish Constitution and the corresponding Statutes of Autonomy. Consequently, it has been repeatedly and mostly proposed to amend the mentioned Article 145 in the sense of removing the control of the Cortes Generales over the establishment of these autonomic agreements, on the understanding that, moreover, this constitutional provision would receive a configuration closer to a real federal state. Notwithstanding, this paper attempts to justify that the legal regime of Article 145 of the Spanish Constitution is not the cause of the insufficient functioning of the horizontal cooperation in our system; that the scope of the powers of control of the Cortes on these agreements is very different to the described one by the authors; and, moreover, that the current wording of Article 145 is fully compatible with the review in federal terms of the rest of the territorial pattern. Thus, it is finally defended the unsuitability of the proposed constitutional reform.


Author(s):  
Marina RODRÍGUEZ BEAS

LABURPENA: Merkatu Batasuna Bermatzeko abenduaren 9ko 20/2013 Legearen (MBBL) bitartez neurri batzuk ezarri ziren araubide bateraturako eta oztopo administratiboak deuseztatzeko, eta horiek eragin handia izan dute barne merkataritzako araubide juridikoan. Arau horren bitartez Estatuko legegileek argi eta garbi liberala den esku-hartze eredua definitu dute eta autonomia-erkidegoei esparru oso mugatua ezarri die eskumenak baliatzeko. Arau eztabaidagarria da, horren arabera araubideak duda asko sortzen baititu konstituziozkotasunari buruz autonomia-erkidegoen eskumenen esparruan, eta horregatik Auzitegi Konstituzionalean zenbait instantzien bitartez errekurritua izan da. Lan honetan araubide horretatik sortzen diren ondorioak aztertuko ditugu merkataritza ekipamenduen gaineko eskumen autonomikoei dagokienez. Horretarako, Zerbitzuen Zuzentaraua kontuan hartuz, aztertu egin da nola garatu den administrazioaren esku hartzea merkataritza ekipamenduetan. Hala, ahultzen joan da joera neoliberaletan oinarritutako Estatuko araubidearen etengabeko aldaketekin, eta Estatuaren eskumenak berriz ere zentralizatzeko joera ezarri da. Aztertu egin ditugu, halaber, MBBLren aurkaratutako xedapenak eta errekurtsogileek egindako inpugnazio zehatzak, argitu nahirik zein den Konstituzio Auzitegiaren doktrina berriena —haren ekainaren 22ko 79/2017 epaitik abiarazten dena— gai honi buruz: ea MBBLk eragiten dion ala ez Autonomia Erkidegoek barne merkataritzan dituzten eskumenen baliatzeari. RESUMEN: La Ley 20/2013, de 9 de diciembre, de Garantía de la Unidad de Mercado (LGUM) introduce una serie de medidas de armonización normativa y de supresión de barreras administrativas, las cuales han tenido un fuerte impacto en el régimen jurídico del comercio interior. Con esta norma el legislador estatal ha definido un modelo de intervención económica claramente liberal y ha impuesto a las Comunidades Autónomas un marco muy limitado para poder ejercer sus competencias. Se trata de una norma controvertida que prevé una regulación que plantea dudas razonables de constitucionalidad desde el ámbito competencial de las Comunidades Autónomas, y por ello, ha sido recurrida desde varias instancias ante el Tribunal Constitucional. En este trabajo analizamos cuáles son los efectos que se derivan de esta normativa en las competencias autonómicas sobre la ordenación de los equipamientos comerciales. Para ello se ha estudiado cómo ha evolucionado, desde la Directiva Servicios, el régimen de intervención administrativa de los equipamientos comerciales, el cual se ha ido debilitando con las corrientes neoliberales que inspiran las sucesivas reformas de la normativa estatal, e imponiéndose una tendencia recentralizadora de las competencias del Estado. También examinamos los preceptos impugnados de la LGUM y las concretas impugnaciones realizadas por los recurrentes para llegar a dilucidar la doctrina más reciente del Tribunal Constitucional que parte de la Sentencia 79/2017, de 22 de junio, sobre si la LGUM afecta al ejercicio de las competencias en comercio interior de las Comunidades Autónomas. ABSTRACT: The Act 20/2013, of December 9, on the protection of market unity (LGUM) introduces a series of regulatory measures for legal harmonization and the removal of administrative barriers, which have had a strong impact on the legal regime of internal trade. With this Act, the State legislator has defined a clearly liberal model of economic intervention and has imposed on Autonomous Communities a very limited framework to exercise their powers. This is a controversial rule that provides for a regulation that raises reasonable issues of constitutionality from the point of view of the competences of the Autonomous Communities, and for this reason, it has been appealed against from several instances before the Constitutional Court. In this paper we analyze the effects that derive from this regulation in the autonomic competences on the development of commercial facilities. For this purpose, it has been studied how the administrative intervention regime of commercial facilities has evolved since the enactment of the Services Directive, which has been weakened by the neoliberal currents that inspire the successive reforms of the State regulations, and how a recentralizing trend of the State powers has prevailed. We also look at the contested provisions of the LGUM and at the specific challenges brought by the appellants to elucidate the most recent doctrine of the Constitutional Court based on Judgment 79/2017, of June 22, on whether the LGUM affects the exercise of competences in internal trade by the Autonomous Communities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.


Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein

In this personal reflection, Böckenförde portrays the dilemma he faced during his tenure as a judge on Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court: trying to bridge his Christian Catholic spirituality with his work as a high-ranking public servant in a secular state. He describes his struggle with the Catholic teachings prior to Second Vaticanum, which at that time still defined the state as ideally Catholic and demanded every believer in public office to act as a vanguard for Christian natural law. But by committing himself to the public good, Böckenförde sidestepped the requirement of the Catholic Church and fully embraced the democratic, religiously neutral political order. Böckenförde justified his position (deviant in the eyes of the Church) by insisting on the strict neutrality demanded from a judge. He pointed to the so-called Church Compromise of the Weimar Republic (Weimarer Kirchenkompromiss), which established the neutrality of the state with regard to religion, and which was re-adopted in West Germany after 1949. He also relinquished his consultative role in the Central Committee of Catholics once he was nominated to the Constitutional Court. Even in cases affecting abortion, he only dealt with the issues at hand as a judge, not as a Catholic. In his view, Christian spirituality can manifest itself in faithfulness to one's office and an integrity that is open to the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
N. V. Moskalets

In the article, basing on investigation of the interaction of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine with the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in ensuring the rights and freedoms there was proposed the range of instruments of mechanism for interaction based on proper governance, monitoring and evaluation, including performance indicators and effectiveness, individual responsibility of a person authorized to perform the functions of the state. Due to its implementation, the public authorities will provide priority-oriented constitutional guarantees, namely human rights and freedoms in the context of promoting civil society development in Ukraine. In the article, basing on investigation of the interaction of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine with the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in ensuring the rights and freedoms there was proposed the range of instruments of mechanism for interaction based on proper governance, monitoring and evaluation, including performance indicators and effectiveness, individual responsibility of a person authorized to perform the functions of the state. Due to its implementation, the public authorities will provide priority-oriented constitutional guarantees, namely human rights and freedoms in the context of promoting civil society development in Ukraine. In order to enhance the implementation of the range of instruments of mechanism for interaction between the Constitutional Court of Ukraine with other public authorities, there was offered the introduction of electronic document management as a preventive anti-corruption measure with integrated monitoring and transparency mechanisms of activity of public authorities in order to reduce the level of corruption and hierarchical influence, for the purpose of openness and transparency, efficiency of activity within the democratic processes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilham Dwi Rafiqi

The affirmation of the attorney general's authority in the Elucidation of Article 35 letter C of the Indonesian Prosecutor's Law after the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 29/PUU-XIV/2016 still leaves problems and has the potential to cause new legal problems. This research will look at and analyze how the authority of the Attorney General after the decision is as well as how the concept of an ideal arrangement that ensures legal certainty. This research uses normative juridical research with a statutory approach and case studies which in this case are court decisions. The results showed that after Constitutional Court decision, there was a change in the meaning of the Elucidation of Article 35 letter c of the Republic of Indonesia Prosecutor's Law. Based on the results of these interpretations and decisions, the legal implications that followed were related to the conditions for setting aside cases in the public interest, namely in setting aside cases in the public interest, the Attorney General was required to 'require' first to pay attention to suggestions and opinions from state power agencies that have relationship with the problem. The concept of an ideal arrangement that can guarantee legal certainty as an indicator to measure and assess the implementation of the Attorney General's obligations can be done by clarifying the definition of "state power agencies" for which advice and opinions are requested and making criteria for the term "public interest".


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Jefri Porkonanta Tarigan

Fungsi negara tidak hanya sebagai regulator (pengatur) dan umpire (wasit), namun juga berfungsi sebagai provider (penyedia) dan entrepreneur (pengusaha). Oleh karena itu, sudah seharusnya negara terlibat langsung dalam usaha penyediaan listrik untuk kepentingan umum bagi sebesar-besarnya kemakmuran rakyat sebagaimana amanat Pasal 33 UUD 1945. Usaha penyediaan listrik untuk kepentingan umum dengan unbundling system yaitu terpisahnya antara usaha pembangkitan, transmisi, distribusi, dan penjualan listrik, telah dinyatakan inkonstitusional oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Putusan Nomor 001-021-022/PUU-I/2003, bertanggal 15 Desember 2004. Namun kemudian adanya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 149/PUU-VII/2009, bertanggal 30 Desember 2010, justru dipandang sebagai peluang dibolehkannya kembali sistem unbundling dalam usaha penyediaan listrik sebagaimana ketentuan Pasal 10 ayat (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2009 tentang Ketenagalistirkan. Hal tersebut kemudian mendorong diajukannya kembali permohonan pengujian terhadap ketentuan Pasal 10 ayat (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2009. Melalui Putusan Nomor 111/PUU-XIII/2015, bertanggal 14 Desember 2016, Mahkamah Konstitusi pun menegaskan bahwa unbundling dalam usaha penyediaan tenaga listrik adalah tidak sesuai dengan konstitusi.The function of the state is not only as a regulator and referee, but also serves as provider and entrepreneur. Therefore, the state should be directly involved in the business of electric providing for the public interest to the greatest prosperity of the people as mandated by Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution. The unbundling system in electric providing for the public interest is the separation between the business of generation, transmission, distribution, and sales. The unbundling system has been declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court in Decision Number 001-021-022/PUU-I/2003 dated December 15, 2004. However, the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 149/PUU-VII/2009 dated 30 December 2010, is judged as an opportunity to re-enable the unbundling system in the business of electric providing as stipulated in Article 10 paragraph (2) of Law Number 30 Year 2009 about Electricity. It then encourages the re-submission of the petition for judicial review of the provisions of Article 10 paragraph (2) of Law Number 30 Year 2009. Then, through Decision Number 111/PUU-XIII/2015, dated December 14, 2016, the Constitutional Court confirm that unbundling in the business of providing power electricity for public interest is inconstitutional.


Author(s):  
Natalia CAICEDO CAMACHO

LABURPENA: Artikulu honetan Estatu zentralaren gastu-ahalmenaren norainokoa aztertzen da gizarte-laguntzaren eremuan. Horretarako, eskumen autonomikoaren garapena deskribatzen da Estatu sozialaren lurralde-deszentralizazioaren esparruan, eta gero azken urteotan diru-laguntzak emateko ahalmenaren erabilerari buruz Konstituzio Auzitegiak jaulkitako jurisprudentzia aztertzen da xeheki. Artikuluan ondorioztatzen da funtsezko aldaketa gertatu dela STC 13 /1992 epaiko diru-laguntzen lurralde-banaketari buruzko irizpideen inguruan. Aldaketa horrek ekarri du ondorio modura, diru-laguntzen deialdiak Espainiako Konstituzioaren 149.1 artikuluko eskumen-tituluetatik banandu eta bereizi egin direla eta laguntzen lurralde-banaketarako irizpideak berrinterpretatu direla ikuspegi zentralista batetik, eta eskumen esklusiboen eremura lekualdatu dela eskumen partekatuentzat finkatuta zegoen araua. Baina, horrez gainera, zentzu zabalago batean, Estatuaren gastuaren bideratzaile izatearen eskumen-funtzioari buruz lehen aplikatzen zen irizpidearen ordez, irizpide zabalagoa, generikoagoa ezarri da, zeinaren arabera araugintza-eginkizunak Estatuari dagozkion eta kudeaketa-eginkizunak, aldiz, autonomia-erkidegoei. Arau hori laguntzaren xede den arloa eskumen partekatukoa edo esklusibokoa den kontuan hartu gabe aplikatzen da. RESUMEN: El presente artículo analiza el alcance del poder de gasto del Estado central en el campo de la asistencia social. Para ello, describe el desarrollo de la competencia autonómica en el marco de la descentralización territorial del Estado social para posteriormente detallar la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional emitida en los últimos años sobre la utilización del poder del poder subvencional. El artículo concluye que se ha producido un cambio sustancial a los criterios sobre la territorialización de las subvenciones de la STC 13/1992. Este cambio supone la desvinculación de las convocatorias de subvenciones de los títulos competenciales del art. 149.1CE y una reinterpretación de los criterios de territorialización de las ayudas en clave centralista trasladando al campo de las competencias exclusivas la regla fijada para las competencias compartidas. Pero, además desde un sentido más amplio, el criterio de la función de la competencia como orientador de la disposición del gasto del Estado se ha sustituido por un criterio más amplio y genérico, conforme al cual las funciones normativas corresponden al Estado y las funciones de gestión corresponden a las Comunidades autónomas. Esta regla se aplica con independencia de que la materia objeto de la ayuda sea una competencia compartida o exclusiva. ABSTRACT : This article analyzes the scope of the spending power by the Central State within the field of social assistance. To that end, it is described the development of the autonomous competence within the State territorial descentralization in order subsequently to itemize the Constitutional Court case law delivered during the last years regarding the use of the power to subsidize. The article concludes that there has been a significant change in the criteria regarding the territorialization of subsidies as stated by the Constitutional Court judgement 13/1992. This change means the decoupling of the call for subsidies from the powers by art. 149.1 C and a reinterpretation of the territorialization criteria in the field of aids in terms of centralization allocating to the field of the exclusive competences the rule established for the shared competences. But from a broader sense the criteria of the competence as a guiding criteria for the disposal of spending by the State has been substituted for a wider and broader criteria according to whom legal functions belong to the State and management functions to the Autonomous Communities. This rule applies regardless of the field of the aid is a shared or exclusive competence.


Author(s):  
Giuseppina Pensabene Lionti

<p>Las normas contenidas en la Ley n. 124/2015 (“Reforma Madia”) abren un nuevo período de reformas del empleo público italiano, según los (proclamados) principios de simplificación, flexibilidad y unidad. Las previsiones concernientes al personal directivo público contenidas en el art. 11 de la citada Ley y en el esquema de decreto legislativo aprobado el 26 agosto de 2016 suscitan especial interés. Entre ellas, destacan las relativas a la unificación de los “ruoli dirigenziali” y a la abolición de las “due fasce”; no sólo por su alcance innovador, sino también por las conexas consecuencias que de ellas derivan y que se reflejan tanto en las modalidades de selección de dicho colectivo (aún en el ámbito de la especificidad de cada una de las “ramas” de la Administración Pública), como en la asignación del puesto y en el sistema de atribución de los cargos directivos. Se señalan pues los aspectos de mayor criticidad de la nueva regulación, sobre todo bajo el perfil de las responsabilidades, de la eficacia de las funciones públicas y de la armonía constitucional; pudiendo derivar este “hipernormativismo” en una disminución de tutelas efectivas. Todo ello sin abandonar un enfoque crítico sobre la “evanescencia” de dicha reforma que todavía no ha entrado en vigor, puesto que el Tribunal Constitucional italiano, con la sentencia n. 251 del 25 de noviembre de 2016, ha declarado la inconstitucionalidad, entre otras normas, del citado art. 11.</p><p>This paper examines the provisions contained in Law n. 124/2015, that opened a new season of reforms for the Italian public labour, in accordance with the (declaimed) principles of simplification, flexibility and unity. It is worth highlighting the legal framework provided by article 11 and by the decree law approved last August, in particular focusing on the unification of directive roles and the abolition of the two executive classes. The innovative character of the recently mentioned article (which was affected by the n. 251/2016 ruling of the Constitutional Court), has also affected the process for the selection of executives in the different areas of the Public Administration; hence, the new norms have adjusted the procedure for the assignment of roles and entrustment of the heads of the Administration. All of this it is examined without leaving a critical view of this reform that has not been approved yet.</p>


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