Locating the People in Israel : The Social Contract, the Basic Norm and the Beginnings of the State

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Dadang Suprijatna

Human rights as a barometer of the law in its formation is to see from the social phenomena that grow and develop in society that gave birth to social contract. Society is understood as the unity of separate individuals who build a personal bond before the emergence of society itself. The state's form of responsibility to its people is to create opportunities for people to gain their rights, as a form of contribution to the people as legitimate owners. The State can no longer ignore any form of any popular will, it is a Right that must be protected and gained great influence from other societies, including the international community globally, which can ultimately affect and / or become a barometer of globalization. Globalization is portrayed as increasing interconnection and social interdependence, politics, economy, law and culture of society behavior, but globalization has also resulted in diminishing the virtue of nation state even an important phenomenon that can not be avoided by anyone, any nation and any country, including Society, nation and state of Indonesia. For that it is fitting for the people and the Indonesian nation to be wary of the growth and development of Globalization that can damage the Mission of Pancasila as the Reject Measure the life of nation and state.


Author(s):  
C.O Okwelum

The reactions of the ethnic communities which have morphed into violent militant groups and ganglands in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria to State and industry control of land and mineral resources require a very close study. A comparative analysis of the current situation in Nigeria with what is obtained in the early days of the European civilization when the challenges of governance and economic crimes were emerging from the womb of the industrial revolution is equally of importance. If sovereignty resides ultimately with the people and the State governs with the consent of the citizens and the ultimate responsibility of the State and business is the welfare of the citizens, a fundamental breach of the social contract leaves the people with the right not only to abolish the State but to sabotage business in social banditry. This paper tries to apply the general principles of the theories of social banditry and social contract to the phenomenon of oil theft and illegal refineries in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It employs the comparative, historical and analytical methodology in presentation while relying on secondary materials and doctrinal research method. It argues that the crimes of oil theft and illegal refineries have arisen from the lack of the development of the Niger Delta by both the State and the multinational oil companies and that they are an expression of the rights to resource control by indigenous communities after 50 years of State and industry control of same have failed to yield development on the ticket of the United Nation’s Resolution 1803 of 1962 guaranteeing national sovereignty over natural resources. It finds that they fall within Hobsbawm’s social banditry thesis and that the basic conditions for the abolition of the State under the social contract thesis have been largely met by the economic and socio-legal contexts prevailing in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.


Author(s):  
A. N. Ryahovskaya

As a result of the global financial and economic crisis, social problems have sharpened significantly. They affect the interest of the most population of the country. The efficiency of anti-recessionary measures and their productivity in the social field are analyzed in the article. According to the adjusted estimates of the RF Government, decrease in actual income of the people will continue and only by the end of 2012 a growth by only 3% to 2008 level is projected. The degree of elaboration and scientific justification of the state turnaround policy are getting special significance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 154-158
Author(s):  
VLADIMIR KSENOFONTOV ◽  

The article reveals the social and philosophical views of M.A. Bakunin on the genesis, essence and evolution of the state. At the same time, attention is focused on his interpretation of state power, which is a lack of justice and freedom for the people. The philosopher, in substantiating his point of view, gives a detailed analysis of the philosophical conceptual provisions on the state. M.A. Bakunin, being an anarcho-revolutionary in his philosophical views, substantiates the limited point of view on the issue of the state and its social role, the positions of the representatives of German social democracy and the views of supporters of Marxist philosophy. The article reveals the socio-philosophical positions of the Russian thinker on the issue of essential components that substantiate the need for the evolution of the state and its departure from the historical arena. At the same time, the main regulations that characterize the prospects for the development of the state and its withering away are revealed. Only a social revolution, according to M.A. Bakunin, can lead to the destruction of the state as an organ of violence, and bring the people freedom, equality and the use of social wealth. Purpose of the research: to reveal the social and philosophical positions of M.A. Bakunin on the genesis of the state, its essence and evolution. Conclusions: The state, according to the views of M.A. Bakunin, is in any form of violence against the people, and therefore it must be destroyed through a social revolution. The future structure of society, as an ideal, should be based on justice and freedom of the people, their self-organization.


Author(s):  
Zoe Beenstock

Coleridge wrote frequently about Rousseau throughout his varied career. His early lectures and letters draw on Rousseau’s critique of luxury and frequently allude to the general will, depicting Rousseau as a Christ-like figure. Coleridge’s subsequent disappointment with Pantisocracy led him to reject Rousseau and the social contract. Comparing Rousseau to Luther in The Friend, Coleridge argues that Rousseau’s unhappiness arises from a conflict between an age of individualism and an ongoing need for community. According to Coleridge, poetry tolerates this conflict better than philosophy. In ‘Reflections on Having Left a Place of Retirement’ Coleridge suggests that social retreat offers illusory solace from war and social crisis. He critiques the state of nature, sympathy, and even religion for failing to balance the self with its environment. Thematically and formally The Rime of the Ancient Mariner explores this crisis in cohering systems. Through the mariner’s relationship to the albatross, the wedding that frames the poem, and episodes of the supernatural that disrupt the ballad form, Coleridge defines a breaking point between the individual and general wills.


2019 ◽  
pp. 46-73
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-216
Author(s):  
Michał Czuba

The main problem of this article is the possibility of using social entrepreneurship related to the provision of communal services to strengthen the sense of social security in people threatened by social exclusion. This problem is important because ensuring social security in a direct and indirect way is the task of the state. This task also ap-plies to people who are socially excluded or at risk of this phenomenon. Its implemen-tation may take place with the participation of social economy entities, supported by the state in a financial manner as well as through appropriate legislation in the scope of shaping the conditions for the development of the social economy. The aim of this study is to get to know the scope of social economy enterprises in the municipal services and their impact on people employed in this type of institutions, including the possibility of increasing the sense of social security of this people and confirming or denying that the majority of people working in this type social economy entities are people who are socially excluded or threatened with this phenomenon.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-166
Author(s):  
Eric Nsuh Zuhmboshi

Abstract The relationship that exists between the state and her citizens has been described by Jean Jacques Rousseau as “a social contract.” In this contractual agreement, citizens are bound to respect state authority while the state, in turn, has the bounden duty to protect her citizens and guide them in their aspirations. In fact, any state that does not perform this duty is guilty of violating the fundamental rights of her citizens. This, however, is not the case in most postcolonial societies where the citizens see the state as an aggressive apparatus against their wellbeing because the state is not fulfilling its own part of the social contract, which requires them to protect the citizens and guide them in their aspirations. This unfortunate situation has laid the foundation for protest and anti-establishment writings in post-colonial societies – especially in Africa. Since literature, as a semiotic resource, is coterminous with its socio-political context, this attitude of the state has drawn inimical criticism from key postcolonial African writers such as Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Mongo Beti, and Nadine Gordimer. Using Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel and John Nkemngong Nkengasong’s Across the Mongolo, this essay shows the relationship between state-terrorism and the traumatic conditions of the citizens in contemporary Africa. From the perspective of trauma theory, the essay defends the premise that the postcolonial subjects/characters, in the novels under study, are traumatized and depressed because of their continuous victimization by the state. Due to this state-imposed terror and hardship, the citizens are forced to indulge in political agitation, radicalism and violence in response to their destitute and impoverished conditions.


The two centuries after 1800 witnessed a series of sweeping changes in the way in which Britain was governed, the duties of the state, and its role in the wider world. Powerful processes—from the development of democracy to the changing nature of the social contract, war, and economic dislocation—have challenged, and at times threatened to overwhelm, both governors and governed. Such shifts have also posed problems for the historians who have researched and written about Britain’s past politics. This volume shows the ways in which political historians have responded, and provides a snapshot of a field which has long been at the forefront of conceptual and methodological innovation within historical studies. It comprises thirty-three thematic essays written by leading and emerging scholars in the field. Collectively, these essays assess and rethink the nature of modern British political history itself, and suggest avenues and questions for future research. The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History thus provides a unique resource for those who wish to understand Britain’s political past and a thought-provoking ‘long view’ for those interested in current political challenges.


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