scholarly journals Politicized Civil Society in Bangladesh: Case Study Analyses

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhat Tasnim

Although civil society in Bangladesh is recognized for its vibrant performance in social development, it is often criticized for its inability to ensure good governance and democracy. The aim of this paper is to point out the reasons for this failure of civil society. Through performing case studies upon five civil society organizations representing different sector and level of the civil society, the paper concludes that civil society organizations in Bangladesh are often politicized and co-opted by different political parties. In a typical scenario, civil society can provide a counterbalance or even monitor the state both at the national and local level. However, in Bangladesh, often the civil society organizations have compromised their autonomy and politicized themselves to certain political parties or political block. In such a vulnerable position, civil society can hardly play its expected role to ensure good governance and strengthen democracy.

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Bleck ◽  
Jessica Gottlieb ◽  
Katrina Kosec

How does women's engagement in civil society organizations (CSOs) differ from that of men, and what factors predict women's willingness to hold the state accountable? We analyze these questions in the context of rural and urban Mali, leveraging face-to-face data collected as part of a civil society mapping project during February -- March 2020 and December 2020, and an in-depth survey conducted with leaders from a randomly-selected subset of these CSOs during January -- March 2021. First, we explore the characteristics of women's groups compared to other CSOs. Second, we explore their likelihood of sanctioning a hypothetical corrupt mayor. We use an embedded survey experiment to try to understand these groups' willingness to report on the mayor as well as the payments they expect to receive from the mayor in order to not share information about the mayor's corruption. We find that women in Mali are often highly organized at the local level---frequently in self-help groups or organizations related to gendered economic activities. However, these more economically-focused groupings of Malian women frequently do not translate into civic activity. They are not typically recognized by outside actors as viable CSOs that could incentivize better governance; their strong networks and group infrastructure represent untapped social capital. We also find that CSOs comprised of women have lower informational and technical capacity, especially due to lower levels of political knowledge, and incur a higher cost of sanctioning public officials---though they have greater mobilization capacity. Women's engagement in decision-making in the home also predicts one's CSO being more hierarchical and having greater technical capacity, as well as having higher expected transfers from the mayor---findings that do not vary with respondent or CSO gender. Turning to the extent to which women involved in CSOs are willing to sanction the state, we find that they are generally less willing than men to sanction, but become more likely when their CSO is less hierarchical, when their technical capacity is higher, and when their political knowledge is greater. However, priming their importance as a CSO (by telling them they were identified by well-connected citizens as being influential) actually reduces sanctioning---perhaps by making them fear that those recommending them will engage in reprisals. Overall, our findings provide useful evidence on the organizational capacity of women and how it is likely to affect the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (4(S)) ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Surajo Yahaya Muhammad

Abstract: To ensure the attainment of good governance and sustainable development, corruption and its scourge must be combated. In Nigeria, the state has had series of anti-corruption measures by successive administrations in its 55 years of existence as an independent entity. While such measures appeared to have been well packaged, however, absence of political will and inability of the state to regard civil society organizations as important partner in the anti corruption has retarded the country’s ability to get rid of the menace of corruption, hence the inability of Nigerian state to provide effective and efficient services to its teeming populace. Being a partner in the development process of modern state, and in order to effectively enhance their roles in the fight against corruption, the paper proper ways upon which civil society groups can organize themselves and work with the state to get rid of corruption in the country.Keywords: Civil Society, Corruption, Democracy, Democratization, State


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Maissam Nimer

AbstractIn the context of the arrival of Syrians as of 2011 and the subsequent humanitarian assistance received in light of the EU–Turkey deal in 2016, there has been increased control over civil society organizations (CSOs) in Turkey. Through the case study of language education, this paper examines the relationship between the state and CSOs as shaped by the presence of Syrian refugees and how it evolved through the autonomy of state bureaucracy. It demonstrates that increased control led to the proliferation of larger projects, the deterrence of smaller CSOs, and a hierarchy between organizations prioritizing those that are aligned with the state. It argues that this policy is not only the result of the increased lack of trust between state and civil society but also an attempt to channel funds through state institutions to handle an unprecedented number of refugees while externalizing some of its functions. At the same time, this emerging relationship effectively allows the state to avoid making long-term integration policies and facing growing tensions among the public. This study is based on a qualitative study encompassing interviews with state officials as well as stakeholders in different types of CSOs that deliver language education for adults.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 154-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjula Gurtoo ◽  
Udayaadithya A.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a background to the special issue on welfare schemes in India. After 25 years of decentralization of governance and structural adjustments implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, have welfare schemes implementation and execution become more accountable and efficient? This paper seeks a critical look at the welfare schemes and its relationship with decentralization and stakeholders’ dynamics. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on a review of studies post 1990s. Papers representing all main stakeholders are reviewed, namely, politicians and political parties, bureaucrats, beneficiary, and civil society organizations. The inclusion/exclusion decision for the papers was taken on two criteria: the paper/document had to explicitly investigate decentralization, and had to include welfare scheme as the overall theme under which decentralization was investigated. Findings – The paper summarizes the new complexities in the system. Stakeholder behaviour is driven by several factors external to the traditional social and economic diversities that signify the Indian sub continent. For example, the authors see the lobbying process shifting to the local level, increasing importance of the local politician and the significance of forming local coalitions and partnerships for better resource allocation. Originality/value – The paper attempts to provide an overview by going beyond a critique of development to focus on the perils of operating within a socio-economically complex society.


Purpose. The purpose of the article is to investigate the peculiarities of the formation of revenues and expenditures of civil society institutions in Ukraine (in terms of NGOs and political parties) and to highlight them as a reflection of the effectiveness of the organization civil society finances. Design/methodology/approach. The work consists of several stages. Firstly, the author's understanding of the category "efficiency of civil society finances" is highlighted. It corresponds to the peculiarities of the functioning of civil society institutions in Ukraine and the world. The study itself consists in a step-by-step analysis of the peculiarities of the formation of revenues and expenditures of civil society institutions in Ukraine (in terms of NGOs and political parties) and their interrelation as a reflection of the effectiveness of civil society finances. Findings. The ratio of revenues and expenditures of Ukrainian NGOs and PPs in the study period characterized the state of the professionalism of financial reporting and planning. It is depends on the mechanism of state regulation and supervision of the finances of PPs and of other CSIs. Thus, improving the existing mechanism of state regulation in the field of finance of CSIs can be an important step towards not only improving the efficiency of finances of civil society, but also the transparency of the public sector. Originality/value. The article is an original complex study, the results of which will be useful both for the leaders of individual civil society organizations and for developers of the state strategy for building civil society. Thus, the population, civil society organizations, the state and civil society itself benefit from the study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
O. V. Turii

The article describes the main factors of the development of civil society in Ukraine. Civil society as an independent and self-governing institution can and must play a powerful transformative and protective role in periods threatening for the state. It is thanks to civil society institutions that the state has a chance to escape from the threat of authoritarianism and disintegration through the development of volunteer, charitable and voluntary movements and the example of the Ukrainian state in recent years is another confirmation of this. Interaction of civil society and state institutions should be based on partnership, mutual interest in achieving the goals related to the process of democratization of all spheres of public administration and public life, socio-economic and spiritual progress, and comprehensive protection of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen. It is the state of development of relations between local executive authorities, local self-government bodies and structural entities of political parties, civil society institutions that demonstrates the democratic and publicity of processes and the realism of the steps of the formation of civil society in the regions of the country. An important part of this process is the creation of effective mechanisms for coordinating the communicative efforts of public authorities, which will enable united efforts in solving common problems, avoid duplication of functions, and simplify organizational structure. However, the article analyzes the principles of interaction of civil society organizations with state authorities and their influence on the development of the rule of law, identifies a number of problematic issues regarding cooperation between the authorities and the public, as well as suggests ways of solving problems in the interaction of civil society institutions with state authorities.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ambrosini

Migration policies in recent years have turned to growing restrictions and tighter controls in most countries, not only at national level but often also at local level. But several actors from civil society have tried to counteract this trend, protesting, organizing advocacy actions, providing services and promoting networks. Italy is a case in point: from the beginning of the arrival of immigration flows in the ’80, the reception of the newcomers and the defence of their rights has been provided mainly by non-public actors: trade unions, voluntary associations, social movements, catholic institutions. In the last decade, Italian immigration policies have hardened, above all in the period 2008-2011, with the advent of a securitarian discourse. Many civil society organizations struggled against these policies. The article will present two case studies: 1) the Association “Avvocati per niente”, that defends the immigrants against local policies of exclusion; 2) NAGA and OSF, two Associations engaged in health care for irregular immigrants in Milan. The articles explore motivations, discourses, strategies, alliances and outcomes of their action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Sairan Taha Ahmad

The good governance means having an integrated system of accounting and political and administrative accountability for officials in their public jobs, at the same time the ability of accountability for institutions of civil society and the private sector, so the good governance leads to sustainable human development and their application requires the rule of law, transparency and accountability, participation and decentralization. The Civil society organizations play a significant role in achieving comprehensive development and achieve democratic transition by working to instill  values and promote appropriate democratic practices in the community and create an environment for the establishment of good governance and development. The development of good governance requires the participation of women in all levels of decision-making, and the equal opportunities should be available for them to participation in all peace processes and support the protection of women's rights in armed conflicts, as well as to enhance their participation in political life and to ensure their rights as citizens and participants in the decision-making process at the local level.


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