Fighting discrimination and exclusion: Civil society and immigration policies in Italy

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ambrosini
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Italian Immigration

Migration policies in recent years have turned to growing restrictions and tighter controls in most countries, not only at national level but often also at local level. But several actors from civil society have tried to counteract this trend, protesting, organizing advocacy actions, providing services and promoting networks. Italy is a case in point: from the beginning of the arrival of immigration flows in the ’80, the reception of the newcomers and the defence of their rights has been provided mainly by non-public actors: trade unions, voluntary associations, social movements, catholic institutions. In the last decade, Italian immigration policies have hardened, above all in the period 2008-2011, with the advent of a securitarian discourse. Many civil society organizations struggled against these policies. The article will present two case studies: 1) the Association “Avvocati per niente”, that defends the immigrants against local policies of exclusion; 2) NAGA and OSF, two Associations engaged in health care for irregular immigrants in Milan. The articles explore motivations, discourses, strategies, alliances and outcomes of their action.

scholarly journals Politicized Civil Society in Bangladesh: Case Study Analyses

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhat Tasnim
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Typical Scenario

Although civil society in Bangladesh is recognized for its vibrant performance in social development, it is often criticized for its inability to ensure good governance and democracy. The aim of this paper is to point out the reasons for this failure of civil society. Through performing case studies upon five civil society organizations representing different sector and level of the civil society, the paper concludes that civil society organizations in Bangladesh are often politicized and co-opted by different political parties. In a typical scenario, civil society can provide a counterbalance or even monitor the state both at the national and local level. However, in Bangladesh, often the civil society organizations have compromised their autonomy and politicized themselves to certain political parties or political block. In such a vulnerable position, civil society can hardly play its expected role to ensure good governance and strengthen democracy.

scholarly journals THE CONCEPT OF CIVIL SOCIETY, ITS FORMATION IN UKRAINE, FUNCTIONS AND FEATURES

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (50) ◽  
Author(s):  
Khrystyna Romanivna Martsikhiv ◽  
Liliia Yevgenivna Horbachova
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Human Society ◽  
Public Expression ◽  
History Of

The concept of «civil society» in modern political science is given. The relevance of its theoretical and practical aspects which is caused by the obvious increase the role of ordinary citizens and their voluntary associations in all spheres of human society: economic, political, social, spiritual, is analyzed. The successes of public organizations and movements of people of good will in the field of detente of international tensions, in providing assistance to peoples affected by natural disasters, catastrophes and other social unrest are widely known. It was established that the basis of victories is the development of civil society, high activity of citizens and their voluntary associations. This is achievable only in a sufficiently developed civil society. It has been proved that success comes where the business activity of citizens and the non-governmental structures they create increases, state intervention in economic, social and spiritual life is limited, where civil society develops and improves. The theoretical and applied aspects of the phenomenon of civil society are comprehended through a theoretical analysis of the concept of civil society in the history of socio-philosophical and political thought, from Plato and Aristotle to the views of modern researchers. It is emphasized that civil society is a type of social system, the hallmark of which is the real multi-subjectivity of economic, social, cultural and political life. The formation and development of civil society in Ukraine during the years of independence is analyzed. It is proved that the formation of civil society is manifested in the formation of its institutions - voluntary public associations, public movements, trade unions, independent media, public opinion as a social institution, elections and referendums as a means of public expression and protection of public-dependent interests. judicial and law enforcement systems, etc. The peculiarities of the interaction of civil society and the rights` state are substantiated.

scholarly journals Trajectories of Civil Society Leaders in Italy: Individual Careers, Organizational Structures, and Ideological Affiliations

SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824402110615
Author(s):  
Cecilia Santilli ◽  
Roberto Scaramuzzino
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
National Level ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
The Third ◽  
Career Trajectories ◽  
Member Organization ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between individual leaders’ career trajectories and organizational structure and identity in Italian civil society organizations (CSOs) active at national level. The analysis in this qualitative study draws on two sets of data, semi-structured interviews with leaders on their career trajectories and their understanding of what it takes to become a leader of a CSO and short biographies of leaders’ career trajectories. Three main representational logics are idenitified: within: multi-level, within: member-organization, and outside: supporting organization. The two first logics are based on a trajectory within the organizations either departing from the local and regional levels of the same organizations or within one or more member organizations. The third logic is based on a trajectory outside the organization that is marked by the ideological affiliation of the president through leading positions in other organizations within the same movement or field.

scholarly journals Direct democracy and the rise of political entrepreneurs

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48
Author(s):  
Dario Čepo ◽  
Dario Nikić Čakar
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Added Value ◽  
Social Entrepreneurs ◽  
Setting Process ◽  
Political Entrepreneurs ◽  
Post Hoc

The last decade saw a rise in the use of direct democracy in Croatia. The proliferation of citizens' initiatives and referendums was meant to activate politically passive citizens and to strengthen their role as controllers of the executive. Our research, based on the qualitative analysis of the legal framework on citizens' initiatives and referendums in Croatia, as well as post-2010 initiatives, showed that this was not the case. Instead, political and social entrepreneurs, both long established, like trade unions, and newly formed, like conservative civil society organizations, used the tools of direct democracy to promote their particular anti-minority, anti-government or anti-establishment agendas. They succeeded in both constraining the power of the elite through the process of getting to the referendum and wresting control over the agenda-setting process post hoc. The added value of this paper lies in showing that citizens' initiatives can succeed in getting their demands met even when they are not successful in organizing referendums, which is due to weaknesses in the legal framework surrounding referendums and initiatives.

scholarly journals Seducing for Truth and Justice: Civil Society Initiatives for the 1965 Mass Violence in Indonesia

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Policy Reforms ◽  
Mass Violence ◽  
The World

The article examines both civil society initiatives that seek to address the mass violence of 1965 and 1966 and the state's responses to them. Unlike other political-transition contexts in the world, a transitional justice approach is apparently a formula that state authorities have found difficult to implement nationally for this particular case. The central government has, through its institutions, sporadically responded to some of the calls from civil society groups and has even initiated policy reforms to support such initiatives. Nevertheless, these responses were not sustained and any suggested programmes have always failed to be completed or implemented. Simultaneously, however, NGOs and victims are also voicing their demands at the local level. Many of their initiatives involve not only communities but also local authorities, including in some cases the local governments. In some aspects, these “bottom-up” approaches are more successful than attempts to create change at the national level. Such approaches challenge what Kieran McEvoy refers to as an innate “seductive” quality of transitional justice, but at the same time these approaches do, in fact, aim to “seduce” the state to adopt measures for truth and justice.

Challenges for integrated water resources governance in Brasilia metropolitan area

2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiz Fernando Macedo Bessa ◽  
Marcelo Facchina
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Environmental Governance ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Water Governance ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Metropolitan Region ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Content Type

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to discuss the reasons behind the difficulties in implementing proper participatory environmental and water governance systems in the metropolitan region of Brasilia, Brazil. Design/methodology/approach – This work is a result of a the qualitative analysis of documents and reports of local participatory arenas in Brasilia, and is complemented by a set of 13 interviews held between November 2009 and March 2010 with a variety of actors involved in the promotion of sustainability in the region. Findings – The findings reveal that impediments to the good performance of environmental governance in the Federal District are a consequence to two main factors: institutional framework poorly transferred from the national level and incompatibility between the set of regulations and local electoral power dynamics. Research limitations/implications – As a consequence of the deliberate choice of one specific case, the conclusions of this paper may erroneously overemphasize the perils of participatory local governance rather than its potentials. Practical implications – By identifying a series of mechanisms that threaten positive partnerships between governments and civil society at the local level, this work serves as an important tool for public managers and civil society to engage in more fruitful partnerships. Originality/value – The paper provides a power-based analysis of a case of ineffectiveness of participatory mechanisms. In doing so, it also demonstrates that policy planning must be analysed from a variety of perspectives, and often involve coalitions that cut across the traditional state-society divide. The identification of the mechanisms behind the creation of these obstacles constitutes the originality and value of this paper.

scholarly journals Women's Voices in Civil Society Organizations: Evidence from a Civil Society Mapping Project in Mali

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Bleck ◽  
Jessica Gottlieb ◽  
Katrina Kosec
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Organizational Capacity ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Self Help Groups ◽  
Technical Capacity

How does women's engagement in civil society organizations (CSOs) differ from that of men, and what factors predict women's willingness to hold the state accountable? We analyze these questions in the context of rural and urban Mali, leveraging face-to-face data collected as part of a civil society mapping project during February -- March 2020 and December 2020, and an in-depth survey conducted with leaders from a randomly-selected subset of these CSOs during January -- March 2021. First, we explore the characteristics of women's groups compared to other CSOs. Second, we explore their likelihood of sanctioning a hypothetical corrupt mayor. We use an embedded survey experiment to try to understand these groups' willingness to report on the mayor as well as the payments they expect to receive from the mayor in order to not share information about the mayor's corruption. We find that women in Mali are often highly organized at the local level---frequently in self-help groups or organizations related to gendered economic activities. However, these more economically-focused groupings of Malian women frequently do not translate into civic activity. They are not typically recognized by outside actors as viable CSOs that could incentivize better governance; their strong networks and group infrastructure represent untapped social capital. We also find that CSOs comprised of women have lower informational and technical capacity, especially due to lower levels of political knowledge, and incur a higher cost of sanctioning public officials---though they have greater mobilization capacity. Women's engagement in decision-making in the home also predicts one's CSO being more hierarchical and having greater technical capacity, as well as having higher expected transfers from the mayor---findings that do not vary with respondent or CSO gender. Turning to the extent to which women involved in CSOs are willing to sanction the state, we find that they are generally less willing than men to sanction, but become more likely when their CSO is less hierarchical, when their technical capacity is higher, and when their political knowledge is greater. However, priming their importance as a CSO (by telling them they were identified by well-connected citizens as being influential) actually reduces sanctioning---perhaps by making them fear that those recommending them will engage in reprisals. Overall, our findings provide useful evidence on the organizational capacity of women and how it is likely to affect the state.

scholarly journals COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL AND IN CARPATHIAN REGION OF UKRAINE

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-147
Author(s):  
Ruslan Zhylenko
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Services ◽  
National Level ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
Selection Criterion ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Carpathian Region ◽  
Western Ukraine ◽  
The Impact

The study aims to compare CSOs at the national and regional (Ukrainian part of Carpathian Euroregion) levels for possible disparities. It is mainly based on the results of secondary analysis of available official statistical and fiscal data, as well as those published in the study reports. In particular, there were analyzed the Bulletins «Activity of the Civic Associations in Ukraine» and «Indicators of United State Registry of the Companies and Organizations of Ukraine» published by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine and its regional departments during 2014-2018. Also the quantitative results of studies done by National Institute for Strategic Studies, Corestone Group and GfK Ukraine, CCC Creative Center, and other institutions were examined. Relevance to the problem of research and its regional boundaries has been employed as a main selection criterion for the secondary data used. Civil society organizations (CSOs) perform exceptional role in providing social services to the inhabitants of the Carpathian region of Western Ukraine. However, they operate in a certain environment significantly influencing respectively their sustainability and capacity to offer high quality services. Obviously, the impact of environment differs regionally, creating unequal opportunities for organizations working in diverse parts of the country. This study aimed to compare CSOs at the national and regional (Ukrainian part of Carpathian Euroregion) levels for possible disparities. The author used secondary analysis of available official statistical and fiscal data, as well as data published in the study reports. He argues that despite actually the same legal, fiscal, and political environment, there are remarkable disparities between CSOs at the national and regional levels. These discrepancies are less evident regarding number and type of operating organizations, their fields of activity but are more significant in respect to available funding and its sources, budgets, staff involved, and environment for philanthropy.

Euroconstitutionalism and its Discontents

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
National Level ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Final Word ◽  
Common View ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
Domestic Level

This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.

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