Why Has Civic Education Failed to Increase Young People's Political Participation?

2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Manning ◽  
Kathy Edwards

Recent years have seen a revival of civic education. Advocates of this policy have cited the alleged declining normative political participation of young people as a primary reason for its need. This paper builds on the findings of a recent systematic review that examined the effect of civic education on young people's level of normative political engagement. The review found little evidence for civic education having a clear effect on voting/registering to vote, but did identify modest positive effects on forms of political expression (e.g. signing petitions). Hence, it seems civic education has broadly ‘failed’ in its specified aim. We argue here that this ‘failure’ reflects a mechanistic approach to policy and a naive notion that ‘knowledge will result in action’, neglecting insights from sociological literature that shows structural barriers to young people's political participation and the displacement of electoral politics by new hybrid and creative forms of participation.

Author(s):  
Deana A. Rohlinger

The purpose of this chapter is to offer a critical review of the sociological literature on political participation and, in doing so, to underscore the importance of power dynamics to understanding political engagement in the digital age. The author argues that the focus on social movements, the organizations that animate them, and the conditions under which they emerge and decline made it difficult for sociologists to incorporate digital media into their theorizing. A key problem in this regard is that sociologists have not done a good job of accounting for the ability of individuals and small groups to use technologies to advocate for political change. One way for sociologists to rebalance their theoretical and empirical efforts is to think more critically about the relationship between structure and agency and how this might (dis)empower individuals and groups. The author illustrates the utility of this approach by, first, outlining how power shapes whether and how an individual gets politically involved and, then, discussing how power influences the form a group takes as well as its influence in political processes. The chapter concludes with a discussion of directions for future research.


Author(s):  
ROBERTO F. CARLOS

Extensive research on political participation suggests that parental resources strongly predict participation. Other research indicates that salient political events can push individuals to participate. I offer a novel explanation of how mundane household experiences translate to political engagement, even in settings where low participation levels are typically found, such as immigrant communities. I hypothesize that experiences requiring children of Latinx immigrants to take on “adult” responsibilities provide an environment where children learn the skills needed to overcome the costs associated with participation. I test this hypothesis using three datasets: a survey of Latinx students, a representative survey of young adults, and a 10-year longitudinal study. The analyses demonstrate that Latinx children of immigrants taking on adult responsibilities exhibit higher levels of political activity compared with those who do not. These findings provide new insights into how the cycle of generational political inequality is overcome in unexpected ways and places.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Wahid Ahmad Dar

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.


Author(s):  
Yannis Theocharis ◽  
Joost de Moor

Creative participation refers to citizens’ invention of, and engagement in, new action forms that aim to influence, or take responsibility for, the common good in society. By definition, these action forms are constantly evolving and cannot be listed or summarized. Yet some, like guerrilla gardening, have over time become more established in political repertoires, and specific arenas are known to be particularly productive sites for their development. These include in particular the Internet, and lifestyles and consumption. The constant changes in how citizens become active represented by creative participation present considerable challenges for scholars of political participation—both in terms of theory and methodology. In particular, such forms test our ability to distinguish political from nonpolitical activities. However, how political creative participation is, is often subtle and implicit, and therefore hard to establish. Yet being able to do so is essential for an ongoing assessment of the quality of participatory democracy. With conventional forms of participation declining and creative participation becoming more common, scholars must be able to agree on definitions and operationalizations that allow for the comparison of participatory trends. For instance, a key concern has been whether creative forms of participation crowd out more conventional ones, like voting or lobbying politicians. Developments in survey research have been able to show that this is not the case and that creative participation may in fact increase conventional participation. In addition, qualitative research methods like focus groups and ethnography, allow for more open-ended explorations of this elusive research topic. As to who participates, creative participation has enabled traditionally underrepresented groups like women and young people to catch up with, and sometimes overtake, those older men who have long dominated conventional political participation. Still, education remains a key obstacle even to creative participation. The COVID-19 crisis that took hold of the world in 2020 has compromised access to collective action and public space. It has thereby once more put the onus on citizens to engage creatively with ways to influence, and take responsibility for, society. At the same time, the crisis presents a need and opportunity for political participation scholarship to engage more deeply with theoretical debates about what it means to be political or to participate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cláudia Cristina FUKUDA ◽  
Maria Aparecida PENSO ◽  
Deise Matos do AMPARO ◽  
Bruno Coimbras de ALMEIDA ◽  
Camila de Aquino MORAIS

The present study investigated the perception of young Brazilians of professional help and barriers to seeking mental health services. A total of the 1,030 questionnaires were administered to young people aged 8-21 years of both genders attending public and private school or who had received or were receiving treatement at mental health facilities in three Brazilian cities. The data were evaluated using descriptive statistics, exploratory factor analysis, and comparison between means. The results showed fear of stigmatization as a major barrier to seeking mental health treatment, exerting greater impact than that of structural barriers. Regional differences influenced their perception of the treatment. Having undergone previous mental health treatment was found to be related to a greater perception of the positive effects of the treatment and the structural barriers to accessing care services. It was found that the onset of mental disorders usually occurs during early adolescence. School-related issues, anxiety, fear, and depression were the most common reasons for mental health treatment seeking among young people.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell ◽  
Bozena Welborne ◽  
Sarah Tobin

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Korventausta ◽  
Tero Järvinen ◽  
Tomi Jaakkola ◽  
Marjaana Veermans

Artikkelissa raportoitavan tutkimuksen kohteena on peruskoulun yhteiskuntaopin opetuksen yhteys nuorten poliittiseen kiinnittymiseen, joka jaetaan tutkimuksessa neljään ulottuvuuteen: poliittiseen kiinnostukseen, poliittiseen tietämykseen ja itsearvioon tietämyksestä, poliittiseen osallistumishalukkuuteen sekä politiikkaa koskeviin käsityksiin. Tutkimusaineistona on peruskoulun yläkouluikäisten nuorten vastaukset poliittista kiinnittymistä mittaavaan kyselyyn kahtena eri ajankohtana. Osallistujat olivat ensimmäisen mittauksen aikana kahdeksannella luokalla (n = 67) ja toisen mittauksen aikana yhdeksännellä luokalla (n = 63). Nuoret opiskelivat mittausten välillä lukuvuoden ajan yhteiskuntaoppia ensimmäistä kertaa koulu-urallaan. Tulosten mukaan nuorten poliittinen kiinnostus, tietämys ja itsearvio tietämyksestä olivat 9. luokalla tilastollisesti korkeampia kuin 8. luokalla. Osallistumishalukkuudessa ei havaittu eroja ikäryhmien välillä, ja politiikkaa koskevien käsitysten osalta eroja ilmeni yhden väitteen kohdalla. 8.-luokkalaiset pitivät kotia tärkeimpänä lähteenä oppia tietoja yhteiskunnallisten asioiden ymmärtämiseksi, kun taas 9.-luokkalaisille koulu oli keskeisin tietolähde yhteiskunnallisten asioiden oppimisessa. Tulosten mukaan koulu näyttäisi onnistuvan yhteiskunnallisen kasvatuksen tavoitteissaan vain osittain. Jatkossa olisi tärkeää kiinnittää huomiota siihen, miten koulussa voitaisiin tukea tiedollisten sisältöjen oppimisen lisäksi nuorten yhteiskunnallista osallistumista edistävien valmiuksien omaksumista.   Social studies and political engagement in lower secondary school Abstract In this article, interest is directed at the connection between the teaching of social studies subject at school and young people’s political engagement. In the present study, political engagement is seen as consisting of the following four dimensions: the political interest, political knowledge and self-assessment of political knowledge, willingness to participate, and perceptions of politics. The study data consists of two surveys targeted at lower secondary school students. The study participants were in the 8th grade during the first measurement (n = 67), and in the 9th grade during the second measurement (n = 63). The participants studied social studies for one school year between the measurements. The results showed that students’ political interest, knowledge and self-assessment of knowledge were statistically higher in the 9th grade than they were in the 8th grade. No differences were observed between the age groups concerning willingness to participate, and differences in the perceptions of politics were observed for one claim. While among 8th graders home circle was seen as the most important source to learn about society and politics, in the responses of the 9th graders the most important source of knowledge was school. According to results, it seems that school is successful in its task of civic education only partly. We suggest that in the future it would be important to pay more attention to support not only the gaining of political knowledge, but also to promote the development of the qualities needed in active societal participation. Keywords: social studies, political engagement, youth, civic education  


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Imhoff ◽  
Lea Dieterle ◽  
Pia Lamberty

It is a hitherto open and debated question whether the belief in conspiracies increases or attenuates the willingness to engage in political action. In the present paper, we tested the notion, whether a) the relation between belief in conspiracies and general political engagement is curvilinear (inverted U-shaped) and b) there may be opposing relations to normative vs. non-normative forms of political engagement. Two pre-registered experiments (N = 194; N = 402) support both propositions and show that the hypothetical adoption of a worldview that sees the world as governed by secret plots attenuates reported intentions to participate in normative, legal forms of political participation but increases reported intentions to employ non-normative, illegal means of political articulation. These results provide first evidence for the notion that political extremism and violence might seem an almost logical conclusion when seeing the world as governed by conspiracies.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Grasso ◽  
Katherine Smith

This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analyzing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorizing about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, buycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women.


Author(s):  
Robert B. Talisse

Democracy is hard work. It can flourish only when citizens actively participate in the business of collective self-government. Yet political participation gives rise to deep political divides over core political values. In the midst of these divisions, citizens are required to recognize one another as political equals, as fellow participants who are entitled to an equal share of political power. Research shows that political engagement exposes citizens to forces that erode their capacities to regard their political opponents as their equals. In the course of democratic participation, we come to see our opponents as inept and ill-motivated, ultimately unfit for democracy. This tendency is especially pronounced among those who are the most politically active. Democratic citizenship thus can undermine itself. With this conflict at the heart of democratic citizenship, we must actively pursue justice while also treating those who embrace injustice as our equals. Sustaining Democracy navigates this conflict. It begins by exploring partisanship and polarization, the two mechanisms by which citizens come to regard their opponents as unsuited for democracy. It then proposes strategies by which citizens can mitigate these forces without dampening their political commitments. As it turns out, the same forces that lead us to scorn our opponents can also undermine and fracture our political alliances. If we are concerned to further justice, we need to uphold civil relations with our opponents, even when we despise their political views. If we want to preserve our political friendships, we must sustain democracy with our foes.


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