POLITICAL CULTURE IN KAZAKHSTAN SOCIETY: LEGAL ASPECTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-161
Author(s):  
Zh. Кuanyshbayeva ◽  
◽  
О. Karibayev ◽  
К. Kantayeva ◽  
◽  
...  

In the article, the authors consider the current problems of the legal nature of the political culture of Kazakhstan. He revealed the theoretical aspects of the legal nature of political culture, the legal features of the formation and development of the political culture of the people. The legal aspects of political consciousness as a criterion of the maturity of the political culture of society are defined; the complex political characteristics of the education of the legal culture of the people are defined.

Author(s):  
Olena Minkovich-Slobodianik

In this article we have tried to analyze the negative factors that affect the development of legal and political cultures and are common to them. Any negative factors that exist in civil society are also reflected in the legal and political cultures. One of these factors, in our view, is corruption. In general, corruption is in he rent in any state and any society because it is connected with the human nature, greed and in ability to deny it self and stop in time, therefore, in our view, corruption as well as crime in general can not be over come – they can be substantially reduced. Level but not eradicate. Ukraine today declares its political and legal path to wards Europe, its values ​​and humanistic ideas. The persistent corruption crisis, which has been going on for quite sometime in our country, requires deep social reforms that must first and fore most affect people's consciousness and their social standard of living. It is no better in the political sphere, because today we do not even have a legal definition of the concept of "political corruption"; Today's society is characterized by some ambivalence, we have the same problem in the political sphere as in the legal sphere, namely, on the one hand citizens "cry" about the need to fight corruption, on the other – by all means "help" its prosperity by finding all the time for it self justification, fearing "reprisals", simply be having marginally. Thus, we lose one of the main elements of political consciousness - motivation. Another serious negative factor affecting the development of legal and political cultures is nihilism. Since nihilism is itself a rejection of values, in our case legal, it is quite understandable that languages, not only about the high, but at least satisfactory, state of legal culture cannot be. The spread of legal nihilism in our society has become possible not only because of an unsatisfactory level of lawmaking and enforcement, but also through appropriate political decisions that precede it. In this context, we can say that legal nihilism is characteristic not only of ordinary citizens, but in most of our politicians, top officials who constantly broadcast to the general public their disrespect for the Law. As a result, in the political sphere, this leads to a total distrust of the people in the political establishment of Ukraine, marginal behavior, the pursuit of screen leaders, and as a result of deformation of political consciousness and a decrease in the level of political culture as a whole. As a result of this study, it becomes clear that legal and political culture have common factors that depend on both the speed of their development and the qualitative component.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.


Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

This chapter explores the reasons for the recurrence of large-scale popular uprisings throughout imperial history. It considers how the idea of rebellion correlates with fundamental principles of Chinese political culture, such as monarchism and intellectual elitism. Moreover, the chapter looks at why the rebellions serve to support rather than disrupt the empire's longevity. These issues are then related to the broader issue of the political role of the “people,” here referring primarily, although not exclusively, to the lower strata, in the Chinese imperial enterprise. In answering these questions, this chapter focuses on ideological and social factors that both legitimated rebellions and also enabled their accommodation within the imperial enterprise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARMEN MAZMANYAN

AbstractThe recent wave of popular uprisings in the Middle East and Northern Africa has sparked a renewed attention to democratization across the world. One of many intriguing questions in this context is whether this trend will be spread globally and will flash another wave of democratization among some regions and countries where democratic euphoria has faded away. Another intriguing question is whether this new wave, in the Middle East or elsewhere, will take a constitutional path or will evolve through undemocratic and unconstitutional channels. In this light, it looks perfectly timely to discuss the lessons from and the modern prospects of building constitutional democracies in post-Soviet countries.This article offers perspectives on challenges facing post-Soviet higher courts in the effort to promote constitutional democracy in their countries. While it argues that there are many such challenges and that their roots are mostly deep in the political culture, selected and discussed are some specific instances which starkly expose the patterns of constitutional perversion and the most relevant limitations facing post-Soviet courts in our days. The solutions to these are seen in the incremental process of institutional learning hence the article suggests some designer strategies which may help moving along this process.The first section outlines what appears to be a peculiar vision of constitutionalism as embedded in respective societies and assesses this entrenched concept against accepted accounts of Western constitutionalism. The second section discusses some specific challenges to development of constitutionalism in post-Soviet countries, concentrating on inherited mindset and legal culture, as well as corrupt political technologies and flaws in the design of constitutional courts. The third section discusses two illustrative cases before higher tribunals to demonstrate what courts face in the courtroom when confronting the described challenges.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii

The article treats one of A. F. Kerenskii’s most important speeches, the speech of 29 April 1917, known to historians for its reference to ‘rebellious slaves.’ It examines the speech’s political significance by reconstructing its reception and political currency and by analyzing its effect on the revolution’s political culture. The article compares variants of the speech as reported in the political press, resolutions and collective letters printed in the press, and also Kerenskii’s personal documents bearing on the speech. The article demonstrates that Kerenskii’s speech was a part of his tactical effort to create a coalition government on conditions favorable to him. The speech had a major impact on the political rhetoric of the revolutionary epoch, with various participants in the political arena manipulating Kerenskii’s reference to ‘rebellious slaves’ for their own purposes. The address contributed to the formation of a personality cult, built on Kerenskii’s image as ‘leader of the people.’


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.


Author(s):  
К.Ю. Пронина

В статье рассматриваются такие феномены общественной жизни, как правовая и политическая культура. Анализируются их понятия, рассматриваются схожие и отличительные черты. Исследование данных явлений позволяет утверждать об их взаимодействии между собой и в ряде случаев возможности выделения политико-правовой культуры. The article discusses such phenomena of public life as legal and political culture. Their concepts are analyzed, similar and distinctive features are considered. The study of these phenomena allows us to argue about their interaction with each other and, in some cases, the possibility of highlighting the political and legal culture.


2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.


Author(s):  
Andrew Chittick

Section 2 has demonstrated that the political culture of the Jiankang Empire was sharply different from that of the Central Plains, which was the core region of all other large medieval East Asian empires. Jiankang’s political culture can be seen as a distinctive expression of the proto-ethnic identity of the people who dominated the empire, mostly Churen and Wuren. Elite Zhongren migrants from the Central Plains dominated the court only during a part of the fourth century, and their influence waned from then straight through to the end of the sixth century. Instead, the locally rooted garrison culture of the military and the merchant class was the primary driver and innovator in both politics and the economy....


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