Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 206-208
Author(s):  
Andrew Chittick
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Core Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Plains ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
Merchant Class ◽  
Primary Driver ◽  
The Military

Section 2 has demonstrated that the political culture of the Jiankang Empire was sharply different from that of the Central Plains, which was the core region of all other large medieval East Asian empires. Jiankang’s political culture can be seen as a distinctive expression of the proto-ethnic identity of the people who dominated the empire, mostly Churen and Wuren. Elite Zhongren migrants from the Central Plains dominated the court only during a part of the fourth century, and their influence waned from then straight through to the end of the sixth century. Instead, the locally rooted garrison culture of the military and the merchant class was the primary driver and innovator in both politics and the economy....

scholarly journals Political Theory of Populism

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Democratic Principles

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.

Between Intellectual Responsibility and Political Commodification of Knowledge: Nigeria's Academic Political Scientists under the Babangida Military Junta, 1985–1993

2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Ade Kunle Amuwo
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Commodification Of Knowledge ◽  
Intellectual Integrity ◽  
The Military ◽  
Major Criticism ◽  
Intellectual Responsibility

Abstract:The academic political scientists—mainly professors—who were hired by the Babangida military government in Nigeria between 1985 and 1993, ostensibly to theorize and articulate a new political culture and morality through the political transition program (PTP), have been objects, both then and ever since, of serious criticism concerning their role and contribution to a program that promised much but delivered little or nothing. The major criticism is that the political scientists, despite an initial commitment to help the military fashion a new political order, lost their “science” by providing an intellectual cover for the general's schemes and enriched the “political,” including the politics of corruption and self-enrichment. We examine this critique and show that these individuals, by choosing to remain in office—if not in power—even after witnessing so many broken promises by the regime, tarnished their intellectual integrity and moral credibility. Appointed to serve as an instrument of legitimization for the regime, they contained, constricted, and shrank the political and intellectual space rather than facilitating intellectual and democratic empowerment.

The People

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Pines
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Imperial History ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The People ◽  
Chinese Political Culture

This chapter explores the reasons for the recurrence of large-scale popular uprisings throughout imperial history. It considers how the idea of rebellion correlates with fundamental principles of Chinese political culture, such as monarchism and intellectual elitism. Moreover, the chapter looks at why the rebellions serve to support rather than disrupt the empire's longevity. These issues are then related to the broader issue of the political role of the “people,” here referring primarily, although not exclusively, to the lower strata, in the Chinese imperial enterprise. In answering these questions, this chapter focuses on ideological and social factors that both legitimated rebellions and also enabled their accommodation within the imperial enterprise.

Tensions between populist and feminist politics: The case of the Spanish left populist party Podemos

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Feminist Interpretation ◽  
Populist Party

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa

1988 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Opoku Agyeman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Managerial Leadership ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2

‘Rebellious Slaves’ and ‘Great Citizen’

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The People ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
The Press

The article treats one of A. F. Kerenskii’s most important speeches, the speech of 29 April 1917, known to historians for its reference to ‘rebellious slaves.’ It examines the speech’s political significance by reconstructing its reception and political currency and by analyzing its effect on the revolution’s political culture. The article compares variants of the speech as reported in the political press, resolutions and collective letters printed in the press, and also Kerenskii’s personal documents bearing on the speech. The article demonstrates that Kerenskii’s speech was a part of his tactical effort to create a coalition government on conditions favorable to him. The speech had a major impact on the political rhetoric of the revolutionary epoch, with various participants in the political arena manipulating Kerenskii’s reference to ‘rebellious slaves’ for their own purposes. The address contributed to the formation of a personality cult, built on Kerenskii’s image as ‘leader of the people.’

scholarly journals Negative factors affecting the development of legal and political cultures: before the problem

2020 ◽  
pp. 58-62
Author(s):  
Olena Minkovich-Slobodianik
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consciousness ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
The People ◽  
Satisfactory State ◽  
Negative Factors

In this article we have tried to analyze the negative factors that affect the development of legal and political cultures and are common to them. Any negative factors that exist in civil society are also reflected in the legal and political cultures. One of these factors, in our view, is corruption. In general, corruption is in he rent in any state and any society because it is connected with the human nature, greed and in ability to deny it self and stop in time, therefore, in our view, corruption as well as crime in general can not be over come – they can be substantially reduced. Level but not eradicate. Ukraine today declares its political and legal path to wards Europe, its values ​​and humanistic ideas. The persistent corruption crisis, which has been going on for quite sometime in our country, requires deep social reforms that must first and fore most affect people's consciousness and their social standard of living. It is no better in the political sphere, because today we do not even have a legal definition of the concept of "political corruption"; Today's society is characterized by some ambivalence, we have the same problem in the political sphere as in the legal sphere, namely, on the one hand citizens "cry" about the need to fight corruption, on the other – by all means "help" its prosperity by finding all the time for it self justification, fearing "reprisals", simply be having marginally. Thus, we lose one of the main elements of political consciousness - motivation. Another serious negative factor affecting the development of legal and political cultures is nihilism. Since nihilism is itself a rejection of values, in our case legal, it is quite understandable that languages, not only about the high, but at least satisfactory, state of legal culture cannot be. The spread of legal nihilism in our society has become possible not only because of an unsatisfactory level of lawmaking and enforcement, but also through appropriate political decisions that precede it. In this context, we can say that legal nihilism is characteristic not only of ordinary citizens, but in most of our politicians, top officials who constantly broadcast to the general public their disrespect for the Law. As a result, in the political sphere, this leads to a total distrust of the people in the political establishment of Ukraine, marginal behavior, the pursuit of screen leaders, and as a result of deformation of political consciousness and a decrease in the level of political culture as a whole. As a result of this study, it becomes clear that legal and political culture have common factors that depend on both the speed of their development and the qualitative component.

scholarly journals Laos in 2020

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-148
Author(s):  
Holly High
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
The Core ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Health Advice ◽  
Revolutionary Party

In 2020, Laos successfully contained the spread of COVID-19, with very few cases and no deaths. The key elements of the COVID-19 response reflect not only public health advice but also the core values of the political culture promoted by the ruling Lao People’s Revolutionary Party. These include unity, solidarity, struggle, respect for science, guidance by a strong center, and the extension of the state into everyday life in the form of designated roles, committees, and organizations. These significantly shaped the social fabric drawn on in the COVID-19 response. This success, then, can be read as a reaping of some of the benefits of this political culture. More ominously, the global pandemic exacerbated Lao PDR’s public debt crisis. Born of years of government backing of megaprojects such as hydropower, this debt is the dark harvest of the LPRP’s reign.

scholarly journals POLITICAL SYSTEM AS A CONDITION FOR DEVELOPMENT OF STATE AND LAW

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
The Government

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.

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