scholarly journals Post-Islamism: The New Face of Political Islam in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Muchammad Nur Huda

Abstract. Movement of Islamic politics in post- Islamism is movement ideology in the discourse of contemporary Islamic studies in Indonesia are being crowded discussed. Post-Islamism first time emerged as the faces of Islam political supporters of the ideology of Islamism in contensasi election of the general governor of Jakarta in 2017 through action to defend Islam on 2nd December 2016 or what is known as the 212 movement. This article aims to examine in detail the emergence of post-Islamism as the new face of political Islam in Indonesia and how post-Islamism is built into a "new manifesto" in the Political Islam movement in Indonesia, based on the reading of political anthropological theory. The method that is used is a literature review by using primary data and secondary. Results of the study showed that the movement of political Islam, post-Islamism, still need further study and comprehensive. The term post- Islamism has not been able to uncover the basic facts about how the terms of the force, lived, and could become the ideological basis for the movement of Islam politics its self.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Muhammad Affan

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The following article aims to describe the proxy warfare, Mozarab and city of Cordova in the history of Umayyad II in Andalusia, Spain. The results of the study are expected to contribute historical-based thinking in the development of Islamic studies and social-humanities studies.  The method used in this study is the method of historical research through literature review. From the study, it is concluded that Umayyad II prefers to align with the Byzantine on the basis of the political interests of power rather than the fraternal brethren of Muslims.</em> <em>Umayyad II is also more oriented towards Arabization than the Islamization of the Andalusian region as evidenced by the emergence of the Mozarab social class and the highly civilized city of Cordova</em>. <em>So it can be understood further that the presence of Umayyad II rule in Andalusia is not a direct cause of the spread of Islam in the region.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> proxy warfare, Mozarab, Cordova, Umayyad Andalusia</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em>Intisari</em></strong></p><p><em>Artikel berikut bertujuan untuk menguraikan peperangan proxy, mozarab dan kota Cordova  dalam sejarah Umayyah II di Andalusia, Spanyol. Hasil kajian diharapkan dapat memberi sumbangan pemikiran berbasis sejarah dalam pengembangan studi-studi Islam dan studi sosial humaniora. Metode yang dipergunakan dalam kajian adalah metode penelitian sejarah melalui kajian literatur. Dari kajian yang dilakukan, diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa Umayyah II lebih memilih beraliansi dengan Byzantine atas dasar kepentingan politik kekuasaan ketimbang persaudaraan sesama Muslim. Umayyah II juga lebih berorientasi pada usaha arabisasi daripada islamisasi wilayah Andalusia yang dibuktikan dengan kemunculan kelas sosial mozarab dan kota Cordova yang berperadaban tinggi. Sehingga dapat difahami lebih jauh bahwa kehadiran kekuasaan Umayyah II di Andalusia tidak menjadi sebab langsung penyebaran agama Islam di wilayah tersebut.</em></p><p><strong><em>Kata kunci:</em></strong><em> peperangan proxy, mozarab, cordova, Umayyah Andalusia</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p>


2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla W. Heath

Abstract: In 1992, constitutional governance was re-established in Ghana, and private broadcasting made legal for the first time. This paper explores one of the responses of the state-owned Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) to this novel situation, the opening of regional FM radio stations. Primary data for the paper was obtained from visits to six of the stations and interviews with station directors and other staff in July 1998. The political economic context in which the stations were established, their structures, and programming are examined. Evidence from this study indicates that with the new stations the GBC is expanding and enhancing its public service mandate. At the same time, institutional structures and scarce financial resources combine to prevent the Corporation from becoming independent of vested interests: government, commerce, or NGOs. Résumé: En 1992, on rétablit un gouvernement constitutionnel au Ghana et on légalisa la radiodiffusion privée pour la première fois dans ce pays. Cet article explore une des réponses à cette nouvelle situation de la part du radiodiffuseur d'état, le Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) : l'ouverture de stations de radio FM régionales. Les données de cet article furent recueillies lors de visites de six de ces stations en juillet 1998 et d'entrevues avec les directeurs des stations et d'autres membres du personnel. L'article examine le contexte politico-économique de la création, la structure et la programmation de ces stations. Les données recueillies pour cette étude indiquent que, grâce aux nouvelles stations, le GBC est en train de prendre de l'extension et de mieux remplir son mandat de service public. En même temps, cependant, les structures institutionnelles et les ressources financières peu abondantes de la Corporation empêchent celle-ci de gagner son indépendance par rapport à certains organismes intéressés : le gouvernement, les entreprises et les associations à but non lucratif.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-360
Author(s):  
Azis Arifin ◽  
Didin Saepudin

This article aimed to reveal the periodization of political  and cultural Islam in Indonesia from time to time. In its development, political and cultural Islam had become an entity that hadattracted the attention of academics in Indonesia. Both types of Islam have always been part of the history of this nation. Therefore, the periodization of the rounds needs to be disclosed in a neat and measurable manner. This research was qualitative using a historical approach, and the existing data were presented in a descriptive analytical manner. The primary data of the research covered the statutes and bylaw of Islamic parties, such as Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII), Masyumi Party, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), while the secondary data were documents of works of Indonesian authors, journals, and online news or articles. The results revealed that the periodization of Indonesian political and cultural Islam started from pre-independence to post-reformation. PSII, Masyumi Party, PPP, PKS and PBB respectively were examples of political Islam that were established in their era. Meanwhile, cultural Islam was patronized by Jam'iyyat al-Khair, Al-Irsyad, Muhammadiyah, Persis and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both types and groups of the Islam basically had the same goal, namely to carry out Sharia. Therefore, for the political and cultural Islam, the power and sympathy of the people seemed to support the realization of this goal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Arbi Mulya Sirait

Abstract In its history, Islam has had a phase where it has progressed in various ways, one of which is in the political realm. This is marked by the number of areas that were successfully conquered by Islam so that its teachings also developed very rapidly. However, in history, Islam has also experienced a period of decline where there have been many divisions among internal Muslims as well as due to external influences, and some of the causes are the advancement of Western civilization so that it affects the existence of the world of Islamic politics as well. The data obtained from this paper comes from various references in the form of books, journals, and other writings. Then the data is reviewed to produce a conclusion. In this paper, we will discuss how Jamaluddin al-Afghani's efforts in arousing the spirit of unity of the Muslim community in order to escape from western influences and shadows, as well as his efforts to improve the internal conditions of Muslims, both social, political and religious. Jamaluddinal-Afghani the first reformer in Islam who brought salafiyah under the banner of Pan Islamism, with the principle that Muslims wherever he is is the Unity of Brothrhood or a unity of brotherhood that must be fostered continuously. Jamaluddin said that the only most revolutionary way to liberate the fate of Muslims from colonialism, imperialism and materialism was politics imbued with religion. Jamaluddin, as an Islamic reformer, tried hard to improve Islam from within by completely attacking superstition, khurafat and bid'ah. Key Word: Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Pan-Islamism, Political Islam


Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This chapter provides an extended literature review, bringing together for the first time the strands of scholarship related to rentier state theory and to political Islam in the Middle East. In so doing, it sheds light on gaps in the scholarship, in particular the denial in rentier state theory scholarship of the political role played by Islamist groups in such states and the lack of study of the Gulf states by scholars of political Islam. The chapter then gives a brief background on definitional aspects of Islamism, as well as a description and brief history of the Muslim Brotherhood itself, as the region’s most powerful Islamist political group.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Dian Septiandani ◽  
Abd. Shomad

Zakat is one of principal worship requiring every individual (<em>mukallaf</em>) with considerable property to spend some of the wealth for zakat under several conditions applied within. On the other hand, tax is an obligation assigned to taxpayers and should be deposited into the state based on policies applied, with no direct return as reward, for financing the national general expense. In their development, both zakat and tax had quite attention from Islamic economic thought. Nevertheless, we, at first, wanted to identify the principles of zakat and tax at the time of Rasulullah SAW. Therefore, this study referred to normative research. The primary data was collected through library/document research and the secondary one was collected through literature review by inventorying and collecting textbooks and other documents related to the studied issue.


2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Virginie Collombier

Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.


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