scholarly journals Jamaluddin al-Afghani dan Karir Politiknya

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Arbi Mulya Sirait

Abstract In its history, Islam has had a phase where it has progressed in various ways, one of which is in the political realm. This is marked by the number of areas that were successfully conquered by Islam so that its teachings also developed very rapidly. However, in history, Islam has also experienced a period of decline where there have been many divisions among internal Muslims as well as due to external influences, and some of the causes are the advancement of Western civilization so that it affects the existence of the world of Islamic politics as well. The data obtained from this paper comes from various references in the form of books, journals, and other writings. Then the data is reviewed to produce a conclusion. In this paper, we will discuss how Jamaluddin al-Afghani's efforts in arousing the spirit of unity of the Muslim community in order to escape from western influences and shadows, as well as his efforts to improve the internal conditions of Muslims, both social, political and religious. Jamaluddinal-Afghani the first reformer in Islam who brought salafiyah under the banner of Pan Islamism, with the principle that Muslims wherever he is is the Unity of Brothrhood or a unity of brotherhood that must be fostered continuously. Jamaluddin said that the only most revolutionary way to liberate the fate of Muslims from colonialism, imperialism and materialism was politics imbued with religion. Jamaluddin, as an Islamic reformer, tried hard to improve Islam from within by completely attacking superstition, khurafat and bid'ah. Key Word: Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Pan-Islamism, Political Islam

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-56
Author(s):  
Laetitia Monteils-Laeng

Abstract The tripartite division of peoples described in chapter 7 of book VII of Aristotle’s Politics identifies natural-born Greeks as the only people capable of free and well-ordered living in the polis. Ought we to infer from this passage that the underlying asymmetry between Greeks and non-Greeks somehow corresponds to the distinction, found in book I, between those who are masters by nature and those who are slaves by nature? The aim of this paper is to show that this claim is not only not self-evident, but that it runs counter to Aristotle’s non-providential finalism, which is incompatible with the notion that nature could favor one people to the detriment of all others. In other words, the Greek people is not the rightful heir of the order of the world to the extent that their natural superiority in the political realm is quite accidental.


1913 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-112
Author(s):  
F. J. Holder

In the forenoon of this twentieth century, when democracy is asserting itself, no less in the political realm than against the old aristocracy of learning, we who are voluntarily yoked to the common load of teaching mathematics must realize its present state of unrest. Possibly this is not more noticeable in mathematics than in many other branches of the curriculum, and it is probably a bit less conspicuous in the colleges and universities than in the secondary schools; and furthermore, this unsettled condition is by no means confined within the walls of our American institutions, but its constant throbbing is felt in the educational pulse of every progressive country in the world. There seems to be an ever-present desire for a change without first counting the cost of the move; a mere effort to have things different, with no well-defined plan of having them better.


1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Galtung

In this article, the author assumes that Western civilization (found in Western and Eastern Europe, North America, the USSR, and Muslim societies) has been dominant in the world, and he explores the positive and negative effects of this civilizational penetration on Hindu, Sinic and Nipponic traditions. Approaching the investigation from a cosmological perspective, he argues that civilizations are in incessant interaction – lending, borrowing, sending, receiving, imposing and submitting as people, things and ideas move in space and time. The consequences of interaction are twofold: (1) it gives rise to similarities in deep structures and ideologies of otherwise dissimilar civilizations; (2) it could mitigate the dominance of one civilization across time. Applied to Western penetration, this analysis suggests that during a period of expansion, the dominant civilization transmits its central themes to civilizations unable to resist penetration through isolation (the Sinic case) or through economic-military countermeasures (the Nipponic case). (Hindu civilization is a class apart, since its extraordinary richness enables it to both absorb and modify external influences.) As the dominant civilization becomes overextended, it enters a period of contraction marked by some openness to civilizations in the expansion mode. This process is iterative. The author concludes that Western European and North American aspects of Western civilization (the inner West) are in contraction while Islam, East European and Soviet forms are expanding, and the remaining civilizations are occidentalizing. Thus, the inner West, which is basically dominance-oriented and exploitative in the expansion mode, may now be ready to enter a dialogue with less aggressive cosmologies, with potentially important consequences for global civilization.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandaville

Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance: A Political Philosophy of Ihsan is, above all, an expression of faith.[1] This does not mean that we should engage it as a confessional text — although it certainly is one at some level — or that it necessitates or assumes a particular faith positionality on the part of its reader. Rather, Khan seeks here to build a vision and conception of Islamic governance that does not depend on compliance with or fidelity to some outward standard — whether that be European political liberalism or madhhabi requirements. Instead, he draws on concepts, values, and virtues commonly associated with Islam’s more inward dimensions to propose a strikingly original political philosophy: one that makes worldly that which has traditionally been kept apart from the world. More specifically, Khan locates the basis of a new kind of Islamic politics within the Qur’anic and Prophetic injunction of ihsan, which implies beautification, excellence, or perfection — conventionally understood as primarily spiritual in nature. However, this is not a politics that concerns itself with domination (the pursuit, retention, and maximization of power); it is neither narrowly focused on building governmental structures that supposedly correspond with divine diktat nor understood as contestation or competition. This is, as the book’s subtitle suggests, a pathway to a philosophy of the political which defines the latter in terms of searching for the Good.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Muchammad Nur Huda

Abstract. Movement of Islamic politics in post- Islamism is movement ideology in the discourse of contemporary Islamic studies in Indonesia are being crowded discussed. Post-Islamism first time emerged as the faces of Islam political supporters of the ideology of Islamism in contensasi election of the general governor of Jakarta in 2017 through action to defend Islam on 2nd December 2016 or what is known as the 212 movement. This article aims to examine in detail the emergence of post-Islamism as the new face of political Islam in Indonesia and how post-Islamism is built into a "new manifesto" in the Political Islam movement in Indonesia, based on the reading of political anthropological theory. The method that is used is a literature review by using primary data and secondary. Results of the study showed that the movement of political Islam, post-Islamism, still need further study and comprehensive. The term post- Islamism has not been able to uncover the basic facts about how the terms of the force, lived, and could become the ideological basis for the movement of Islam politics its self.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Moch Iqbal

In the 1990s the world of Islamic thought was very crowded and dynamic. There are some Islamic thinkers of the country who are very interested in producing discourses on Islamic thought. Some of them were (alm) Nurcholis Madjid and  (alm) Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Although the political realm of the homeland at that time began to warm up, the Islamic thought movement was very dynamic. After the fall of the new Order in 1998, and the death of several Islamic thinkers, the Islamic thought movement seemed to experience congestion. Even now it is quiet from healthy Islamic thinking. All components of thought are absorbed in the ups and downs of the political stage which attracts much attention. the results of this paper show that the political stage turned out to be more attractive to the generation of Islamic intellectuals post Cak Nur - Gus Dur.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 14 provides an overview of sexual forms of violence against women in politics. Sexual violence comprises a host of unwanted behaviors targeting a person’s sexuality and sexual characteristics, ranging from non-consensual physical contact to unwelcome verbal conduct of a sexual nature. Whether involving a single incident or a pattern of behavior, sexual violence violates human dignity, communicating a message of domination and disrespect. Employed to display, gain, or maintain power, sexual violence can also create a hostile work environment, interrupting and potentially undermining women’s labors and contributions. Recent interventions around the world, especially in the wake of the #MeToo movement, seek to deepen emerging understandings that sexual violence is pervasive but unacceptable in the political realm by working to raise awareness, pursue sanctions, and devise preventative measures to expose and combat sexual violence in its various forms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 670-676
Author(s):  
David Oliver Kasdan

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the variety of dichotomies related to disaster management with an objective to gain a better understanding of how and when dichotomous thinking can improve disaster management, especially in the discourse of disaster management politics. Design/methodology/approach This is a reflective essay that surveys dichotomies from multiple disciplines in respect to their potential contributions to disaster management. Findings Thinking about disaster management as a collection or series of dichotomies may help to better understand the sources, vulnerabilities, approaches, modes, methods and modes for related decision-making scenarios, particularly in the political realm. Research limitations/implications The world is not so simply divided at every turn and dichotomous thinking may harbor biases, mask ignorance and/or offend postmodern notions of alterity. Practical implications Portraying disaster management through dichotomies is an efficient way for experts to convey information and structure decisions for political agendas. Originality/value This study presents a unique perspective of disaster management and how it may shape the thinking and decision making of disaster management politics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamed El-Said ◽  
Jane Harrigan

This article looks at one important aspect of globalization in the Arab World, namely the provision of international finance by the US, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank in support of economic liberalization programs. This flow of international finance has been partly determined by geopolitical factors and in some countries has resulted in a decline in state provision of social welfare, increased poverty, and increased inequality. Not only has this form of globalization been increasingly challenged by Islamist groups, but many such groups have moved in to provide social capital and fill the welfare gap created by the gradual withdrawal of the state from socio-economic affairs. Globalization has thus strengthened the hand of political Islam and undermined the political legitimacy of incumbent regimes.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 688-695
Author(s):  
Joshua Mitchell

Arguments about the emergence of modern political theory often claim that Protestantism's significance was that it evacuated the political world, that a more properly political ethic took its place, a “disenchanted” one. I shall consider Luther's understanding of biblical history, thoughts on the Christian prince, and view of the “bonds of union” between Christians in order to understand the relationship between the political and spiritual realms. I suggest that even though Luther argues for the separation of the two realms, his political realm is by no means disenchanted. His politics can only be understood in light of his claims about the purview of God the Father and God the Son. “Political vacuum theories,” I suggest, misconstrue the relationship between politics and religion in Protestant thought.


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