scholarly journals From Place to Territories and Back Again

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mishuana Goeman

This article explores the geopolitical importance of the word “land” to the field of Indigenous studies. Rather than simply take the word “land” as a given and natural element of the world around us, in this article I suggest a closer interrogation of the multiple social and geopolitical meanings that make land a key concept in indigenous political struggle. The processes of colonialism and neocolonialism resulted in abstracting land as part of making nations that are recognized by the liberal settler nation-states. How have concepts of land changed in this process? How do we make Indigenous spaces that are not based on abstracting land and Indigenous bodies into state spaces, while maintaining political vitality? How are the lived realities of Indigenous peoples impacted by concepts of borders and territories that support the power of the nation-state? I draw on the narrative dimensions of land in the work of Indigenous writers in order to intercede in limiting the meanings of land to those mapped by the state.

2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 97-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Wałdoch

In this article an assumption is made that several factors are responsi-ble for current democracy state. First of all the state-phobia phenome-non is scrutinized while looking for factors which are responsible for citizens reluctance and fear of state. Hypothesis is raised that state-phobia cause withdrawal of democratization wave in today’s nation-states. Trying to solve this problem out author highlighted the impor-tance of the idea of state in political thought and an impact of socio-economic pattern of the world we observe (impact of neoliberalism). Political attitudes summarized as state-phobia rise from a number of factors and cause a number of spaces connected with political life such as electoral behavior. It seems that the lack of trust toward nation-state works like a perpetuum mobile causing the weak state and inefficient institution.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-245
Author(s):  
AbdulHafiz Henry James AbdulHafiz ◽  
Talal Alsaif

This study looks at the economic, political, environmental, cultural, technological, legal, and ethical macro-environmental forces which impact globalization Pre-2018.  Key events are examined as indicators of the state of globalization around the world.  The examination of globalization centers on these key events in the United States and Saudi Arabia.  The issues that rose out these events are used to interpret whether the state of globalization is influenced.  The issues of economic class, unemployment, CEO compensation, The Kyoto Protocol, the rise of social media, and Saudi Arabia’s joining the WTO are examined based on their influence on the state of globalization.  The study concludes that convergence of cultures, based on nation-states’ responses to the arbitrage of information in the areas of economies, politics, environment, law, culture, and ethics has is a real influence on the state of globalization.  The negative or positive effects of globalization are irrelevant in comparison to the actions taking by nation-states in response to key events.


2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-303 ◽  
Author(s):  

West European nation-states which emerged after the Treaty of West Phalia concluded in 1648 were established based on the maxim: one nation, one (official language). But this principle and policy are inappropriate for multinational and ployglot polities. And yet, the tendency to imitate the nation-state model persists all over the world. The inherent inappropriateness of this model is unfolded through an examinationof the linguistic situation and language policy in India. After locating the deficits in the three approaches advocated in India-traditionalist, nationalist and modernist-the pluralist approach is put forward as a viable and democratic alternative for a cultural renewal of India. This approach, it is argued, will facilitate the programme of eradication of illiteracy, project of participatory development and the process of socio-political transformation all of which are pre-requisites for cultural renewal.


Author(s):  
Barbara Cosens

Indigenous rights to water follow diverse trajectories across the globe. In Asia and Africa even the concept of indigeneity is questioned and peoples with ancient histories connected to place are defined by ethnicity as opposed to sovereign or place-based rights, although many seek to change that. In South America indigenous voices are rising. In the parts of the globe colonized by European settlement, the definition of these rights has been in a continual state of transition as social norms evolve and indigenous capacity to assert rights grow. From the point of European contact, these rights have been contested. They have evolved primarily through judicial rulings by the highest court in the relevant nation-state. For those nation-states that do address whether indigenous rights to land and water exist, the approach has ranged from the 18th- and 19th-century doctrines of terra nullius (the land (and resources) belonged to no one) to a recognized right of “use and occupancy” that could be usurped under the doctrine of “discovery” by the conquering power. In the 20th and 21st centuries the evolution of the recognition of indigenous rights remains uneven, reflecting the values, judicial doctrine, and degree to which the contested water resource is already developed in the relevant nation-state. Thus, indigenous rights to water range from the recognition of cultural and spiritual rights that would have been in existence at the time of European contact, to inclusion of subsistence rights, rights sufficient for economic development, rights for homeland purposes, and rights as guardian for a water resource. At the forefront in this process of recognition is the right of indigenous peoples as sovereign to control, allocate, develop and protect their own water resources. This aspirational goal is reflected in the effort to create a common global understanding of the rights of indigenous peoples through declaration and definition of the right of self-determination articulated in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Tomlins

Over the last fifteen years, legal historians have been exploring conceptualizations of the state and state capacity as phenomena of police. In this essay, I offer a genealogy of police in nineteenth-century American constitutional law. I examine relationships among several distinct strands of development: domestic regulatory law, notably the commerce power; the law of indigenous peoples and immigrants; and the law of territorial acquisition. I show that in state and federal juridical discourse, police expresses unrestricted and undefined powers of governance rooted in a discourse of sovereign inheritance and state necessity, culminating in the increasingly pointed claim that as a nation-state the United States possesses limitless capacity “to do all acts and things which independent states may of right do.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-334
Author(s):  
Silas W. Allard

In her essay “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” Hannah Arendt famously wrote, “Nobody had been aware that mankind, for so long a time considered under the image of a family of nations, had reached the state where whoever was thrown out of one of these tightly organized closed communities found himself thrown out of the family of nations altogether.” Surveying the aftermath of the world wars, the same aftermath that eventually led to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Arendt found that a person had to be emplaced—the subject of a political space—in the state-oriented order of geopolitics to be cognizable as a subject of human rights. The stateless, being displaced, were excluded from such a regime of rights and from the global political community. Bare humanity, Arendt argued, was an insufficiently binding political identity. As she wrote in her arresting language, “The world found nothing sacred in the abstract nakedness of being human.”


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Mokhammad Yahya

<p>This paper discusses the relation between Islam and the State as experienced by Indonesian Muslims. Using the historical analysis it begins to delineate the struggle for political Islam in Indonesia with their diverse aspirations from the very beginning of Indonesia as a nation state until the collapse of Suharto regime. In terms of Islamic political struggle, this explains that there was a shift from legalistic-formalistic Islamic political articulation in the Old Order and the beginning of New Order Era into more substantiality pragmatic method. This eventually leads to the formation on the theorization of political Islam since there is no a single definitive theory of political Islam in the Islamic scholarship. Muslims in Indonesia have offered a brilliant concept Pancasila' as a solution in the multicultural situation like Indonesia. Pancasila was considered not only by the founding fathers of Indonesia but also by majority of Indonesian Muslims as an interpretation and contextualization of Islamic Politics in the pluralist society of Indonesia in order to create more harmonious and peaceful life.</p><p>Key Words: Islam, State, Muslim Politics</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1709-1713
Author(s):  
Jovica Palashevski

The most commonly asked question is whether states are competing with one another. It is correct to think that nations compete with each other just as the firms do. Paul Krugman points out that the idea of state competition is a dangerous obsession. However, the generally accepted viewpoint between policymakers and the academic world is very different. The transformation of the nation-state into a corporate market-state lies at the heart of political globalization. Inclusion in economic competition is another manifestation of practicing the so-called. "Soft power" by the states. Books, government reports, daily newspapers, television programs, virtually all over the world, announce the language and imagination of the battle of competition between countries for a larger piece of the global economic pie.


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