scholarly journals THE STATE AS A COMPETITOR

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1709-1713
Author(s):  
Jovica Palashevski

The most commonly asked question is whether states are competing with one another. It is correct to think that nations compete with each other just as the firms do. Paul Krugman points out that the idea of state competition is a dangerous obsession. However, the generally accepted viewpoint between policymakers and the academic world is very different. The transformation of the nation-state into a corporate market-state lies at the heart of political globalization. Inclusion in economic competition is another manifestation of practicing the so-called. "Soft power" by the states. Books, government reports, daily newspapers, television programs, virtually all over the world, announce the language and imagination of the battle of competition between countries for a larger piece of the global economic pie.

China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.H.M. Ling

The concept of ‘soft power’ impoverishes our understanding of politics. It assumes (i) the world has never encountered instances of ‘soft power’ before or knows no better when encountering it; (ii) culture cannot have any interests, agency or impact of its own; and (iii) it cannot capture the state. History—especially from India and China—debunks these assumptions. I propose a contrasting concept, cultural power. It turns ‘soft power’ on its head by (i) articulating the state as ontology, not instrument; accordingly, (ii) culture can generate its own centre (or centres) of gravitas that (iii) invariably outstrips the state in purpose and identity. To demonstrate, I draw on recent filmic representations from India and China. These replay the power of historical culture, like Hindu reincarnation and/or Confucian love, through a contemporary venue. I conclude with some implications of cultural power for politics, in general, and world politics, in particular.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-334
Author(s):  
Silas W. Allard

In her essay “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” Hannah Arendt famously wrote, “Nobody had been aware that mankind, for so long a time considered under the image of a family of nations, had reached the state where whoever was thrown out of one of these tightly organized closed communities found himself thrown out of the family of nations altogether.” Surveying the aftermath of the world wars, the same aftermath that eventually led to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Arendt found that a person had to be emplaced—the subject of a political space—in the state-oriented order of geopolitics to be cognizable as a subject of human rights. The stateless, being displaced, were excluded from such a regime of rights and from the global political community. Bare humanity, Arendt argued, was an insufficiently binding political identity. As she wrote in her arresting language, “The world found nothing sacred in the abstract nakedness of being human.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Mochamad Fathoni

AbstractAfter 9/11, muslim in the west became minority even in his/her own country. There are presumption that Islam related to terrorism and this is the main reason why muslim in the world become minority, especially for muslim who live in the non-muslim country. Aim of the study is to find a new approach within muslim in diplomacy to protect the muslim minority or other minority in the plurality of today nation-state. We use literature studies through descriptive analysis in explained the relevance of maqoshid sharia in solving the minority issue and compare several case study of its implementation in several countries. The novelty of the study is that political scientists have not touched the topic from the basic teaching of Islam, which is maqashid sharia, as an approach in solving the problem related minority, especially muslim minority. The finding in the study is that maqashid sharia as an approach can be developed as soft-power diplomacy strategy which can be distinguished as Islamic diplomacy model in solving minority issue.Keywords: maqosid sharia, Islamic diplomacy, minorityAbstrakPasca peristiwa 9/11, warga muslim di negara-negara barat seakan menjadi minoritas di negaranya sendiri. Munculnya pra-anggapan yang mengkaitkan Islam dan terorisme merupakan sebab utama warga muslim dunia menjadi betul-betul minoritas. Hal ini terutama dialami oleh umat Islam yang berada di negara-negara non-muslim. Tujuan studi ini adalah diperlukan pendekatan baru dari umat Islam sendiri, terutama dari negara-negara Islam atau mayoritas muslim dalam berdiplomasi untuk melindungi minoritas muslim maupun minoritas etnis dan agama lain di tengah dinamika negara-bangsa yang semakin majemuk. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian studi pustaka dan menggunakan analisis deskiptif dalam menjelaskan relevansi maqasid syariah dalam menyelesaikan masalah minoritas disertai perbandingan sejumlah contoh studi kasus penerapannya di sejumlah negara. Kebaruan dari studi ini adalah belum ada ilmuwan politik yang menggunakan maqosid syariah sebagai pendekatan model diplomasi Islam di dalam menangani berbagai persoalan menyangkut isyu minoritas, khususnya minoritas muslim. Temuan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan maqasid syariah dapat menjadi strategi diplomasi soft power yang menjadi ciri khas model diplomasi Islam dalam mencapai kepentingan tidak saja menyelesaikan isyu minoritas.Kata-kata kunci: maqosid syariah, diplomasi islam, minoritas


Author(s):  
Hanns W. Maull

This chapter sets out the guiding questions for this volume and develops a comprehensive, integrated framework for analyzing political order across its three major levels. It proposes a concept of order that allows a comparison and evaluation of the characteristics and evolution of political order at their three major spatial levels: the nation-state, partial regional and functional orders at intermediate levels between the state and the world as a whole, and the global level. Key aspects of political order are effectiveness, legitimacy, and authority; principles, norms, and rules; compliance and collective sanctions and the incidence of violence; actors with the capabilities and the intentions to shape respective orders; their major structural characteristics; and their evolution over time and their resilience.


Author(s):  
Lotta Björklund Larsen ◽  
Karen Boll

Taxation is the collection by a revenue authority of levies, fees, or charges from residents, businesses, or other legal entities deemed taxable pursuant to laws and regulations. Taxation affects most people in the world within the confines of a nation, state, or region. Some people claim taxation is theft by the state, others claim that it is a moral action and duty, and a third view is that taxes are expenses that citizens incur in order to make claims on the state. Taxation is thus an area of contestation. Taxpayers pay taxes on what they produce or transport, on their salaries and other income, and on their consumption. Taxation not only has a fiscal purpose, but can be used for resource allocation within society, for income redistribution, and for leveling economic stability to address issues of unemployment, prices, and economic growth. Research on taxation has been conducted in most social sciences. Legal scholars discuss changes to the law, economists emphasize taxation’s economic impact within the constraints of models, the accounting discipline addresses the organization and measurement of taxation, and behavioral economists and psychologists aim to predict human behavior in taxation experiments. While this research has extended the knowledge of fiscal practices, taxation has long been in dire need of a critical perspective on its human consequences, its social impact, and how it is culturally shaped. An emerging anthropology of taxation can address these issues. The anthropology of taxation opens a host of interconnected issues at the nexus of states, markets, and citizenship. It focuses on money, work, and ownership; notions of fairness and honesty or avoidance and evasion; the politics of regulation and redistribution; and the balance between taking responsibility for oneself and for others, to name a few. Ethnographic studies of taxation can depict how various stakeholders in the tax arena shape and are shaped by taxation. And they can illustrate how subjects of taxation—residents, businesses, communities, and societies—through their view on and practices of taxation, negotiate their relation to the state and to other beneficiaries. Turning our attention to the collecting side, taxation provides a multifaceted arena for issues such as policymaking, governance, and digitalization. The role that tax advisers play, often advising taxpayers on curtailing tax, also suggests a complicated relation with society. Anthropologists can untangle and illustrate the relations taxation create between various stakeholders through notions of social contract, governance, fiscal citizenship, reciprocity, and redistribution.


Author(s):  
V. Matvienko ◽  
I. Gavrylenko

In the modern world, multilateral diplomacy is a significant factor of soft power, as it demonstrates commitment to global goals and international cooperation, the desire to address the interests of not only allies, but also of hostile states, and the presence of a clear vision of the world development that altogether increases the attractiveness of the state. The article analyzes the approaches to the multilateral diplomacy of the administrations of two U. S. presidents, namely of G. W. Bush and B. Obama. The study came to the conclusion that the United States mostly neglected the potential of soft power that could have been obtained in case of more active use of multilateral mechanisms. The preference was given to unilateralist actions on the world stage under the administration of G. W. Bush, and this trend was mainly preserved by B. Obama, despite his declared commitment to international obligations, although he generally managed to increase the importance of multilateral diplomacy for the United States and to improve the image of the state in the international arena.


2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 97-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Wałdoch

In this article an assumption is made that several factors are responsi-ble for current democracy state. First of all the state-phobia phenome-non is scrutinized while looking for factors which are responsible for citizens reluctance and fear of state. Hypothesis is raised that state-phobia cause withdrawal of democratization wave in today’s nation-states. Trying to solve this problem out author highlighted the impor-tance of the idea of state in political thought and an impact of socio-economic pattern of the world we observe (impact of neoliberalism). Political attitudes summarized as state-phobia rise from a number of factors and cause a number of spaces connected with political life such as electoral behavior. It seems that the lack of trust toward nation-state works like a perpetuum mobile causing the weak state and inefficient institution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (79) ◽  
pp. 73-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Đana Luša

AbstractThe world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 1097-1123
Author(s):  
GARETH CURLESS

AbstractLabour history has been revitalized by the global turn. It has encouraged historians to look beyond national frameworks to explore issues relating to mobility and inter-territorial connection. This article, while accepting the benefits of a global approach, argues that historians should not lose sight of the factors that constrain mobility or lead to the collapse of cross-border exchanges. Singapore's dockworkers were at the forefront of the island's anti-colonial campaigns of the 1940s and 1950s. Inspired by anti-colonial movements elsewhere in the world, dockworkers drew on international discourses relating to self-determination to place their local struggles in a global context. This activism, however, coincided with the emergence of countervailing forces, including the universalization of the nation-state and the rise of state-led developmentalism. In this context, dockworkers’ internationalism came to be regarded as a threat to state sovereignty and development. As a result, once Singapore achieved independence the ruling People's Action Party encouraged dockworkers to abandon their globalized outlook in the name of modernization and nation building. Global history, then, should be as much about the rise of the national as the transnational, and the loss of connection as the forging of inter-territorial networks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. v-xix
Author(s):  
Afsoun Afsahi ◽  
Emily Beausoleil ◽  
Rikki Dean ◽  
Selen A. Ercan ◽  
Jean-Paul Gagnon

As countries around the world went into lockdown, we turned to 32 leading scholars working on different aspects of democracy and asked them what they think about how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted democracy. In this article, we synthesize the reflections of these scholars and present five key insights about the prospects and challenges of enacting democracy both during and after the pandemic: (1) COVID-19 has had corrosive effects on already endangered democratic institutions, (2) COVID-19 has revealed alternative possibilities for democratic politics in the state of emergency, (3) COVID-19 has amplified the inequalities and injustices within democracies, (4) COVID-19 has demonstrated the need for institutional infrastructure for prolonged solidarity, and (5) COVID-19 has highlighted the predominance of the nation-state and its limitations. Collectively, these insights open up important normative and practical questions about what democracy should look like in the face of an emergency and what we might expect it to achieve under such circumstances.


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