Իսլամական արմատականությունը Վրաստանում. նոր միտումներ և մարտահրավերներ

2021 ◽  
pp. 120-135
Author(s):  
Lilit Harutyunyan ◽  
Tatevik Manukyan

The purpose of the paper is to study the main features and tendencies of Salafi Islam and Islamic radicalism in Georgia, to identify the threats and challenges facing Georgia as well as the region. The objectives of the article are to discuss the internal and external motives and impulses, preconditions and consequences of the spread of Sunni radical Islam in the Muslim communities of Georgia, the issues of their integration into the Georgian society, the causes and consequences of the propaganda of Salafism and Sunni Islamic radicalismamong the ethnic Shi’i Azerbaijanis of Georgia. The paper was written on the basis of monitoring of the international press and materials on this topic, an extensive study of professional literature on various sides of Radical Islam in Georgia. In the course of the study, the authors concluded that the spreed of Salafism and radical Islam in Georgia poses a serious threat not only to Georgia, but also to the security environment of the region. The Georgian authorities are losing real control over Adjara, gradually "handing it over" to Turkey. Therefore, a "platform of radicalism" can be formed here with the possibility of direct penetration into the surrounding areas. Adjara, which is actively used by various Turkish Islamic organizations, may also become a "hotbed of terrorism" against Armenia in the event of certain developments. The spread of radical Sunni Islamic ideology in the Azerbaijani-populated regions of Georgia is leading to the retreat of traditional Shi’i Islam. This phenomenon, of course, affects not only the religious map of the region, but also changes the existing geopolitical balance of power. Turkey, using its Islamic tools, is consistently pushing Iran out of Georgia's ethnic Azerbaijani-populated regions, squeezing the circle of Islamic radicalism around Armenia.

Bluster ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Peter R. Neumann

This chapter covers Trump's domestic approach towards counterterrorism. It shows that Trump's attitude towards right-wing extremism is one of the most disturbing aspects of his War on Terror. Although substantive changes to domestic counterterrorism laws and policies have been relatively minor, Trump has radically transformed the political environment in which homegrown radicalization and terrorism have played out. Contrary to previous administrations, Trump has actively promoted far-right narratives, making it clear that he considers the enemy to be "radical Islam" rather than terrorism per se. In doing so, the chapter argued that he has empowered the extreme Right and "enabled" a rising number of hate crimes and terrorist attacks, while undermining the trust of Muslim communities. He has deepened divisions, further polarization, and created the fertile ground in which domestic terrorism has been able to thrive.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106-119
Author(s):  
Araks Pashayan ◽  
Nazeli Navasardyan

The purpose of the article is to study the degree of support of Azerbaijan by the Islamic world during the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, to identify the supporting parties, as well as religious and geopolitical motives, mechanisms of this support. The objectives of the article are to study issues related to the Islamic direction of Azerbaijan's foreign policy and the religious component of the Artsakh problem in the context of the Turkish-Azerbaijani policy, to identify the role of Turkey on the basis of the ideas of Islamic-Turkish solidarity, in order to create anti-Armenian sentiments in the international arena. The article was written on the basis of monitoring of the international press and materials on this topic, an extensive study of professional literature on various sides of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the course of the study, the authors concluded that during the Artsakh war of 2020, the Turkish-Azerbaijani tandem used religious instruments to enlist the full support of the Islamic world. The ideas of Islamic, common Turkic solidarity, jihadism, as well as the potential of hired jihadists, Sunni-Shiite layers of the Islamic world were used. From the time between September-November 2020, in parallel with the large-scale hostilities in Artsakh, anti-Armenian agendas and moods based on the religious factor and obvious ideas of Islamic solidarity were advanced and strengthened in the Middle East, beyond its borders, and primarily in the Islamic environment, which were manifested in both political and public discourse of Turkey and Ankara, also in international media and social networks, as well as Muslim clergy and government officials. They were directed by Ankara, Baku and their allies using a wide range of information tools. Besides that, on Erdogan’s initiative and direct control, large number of mercenaries were thrust into the line of contact. The President of Turkey invested military, political, diplomatic, human, economic and propaganda resources in support/in favor of Azerbaijan. The Turkish-Azerbaijani tandem was not repulsive to inciting religious hatred by generating anti-Armenian sentiments, which became a security threat to Armenians living around the world. During the war, the Turkish-speaking Shiite Azeri elites of the Iranian Azerbaijan (Atropatene) province of Iran, broad public spectrum, high-ranking Muslim theologians around the world and some Muslim countries, such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. became allies in the formation of anti-Armenian sentiments. The victory in the war strengthened Azerbaijan's position in the Islamic environment, where Baku had spent considerable resources to gain legitimacy and involvement. It can be stated that Azerbaijan, which has a predominantly Shiite identity, was mostly supported by the Sunni world, which has a direct connection with Ankara’s unconditional support to Baku.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiona B. Adamson

International migration has moved to the top of the international security agenda, due in part to concerns that migration flows provide conduits for the spread of international terrorism. Although such concerns are not entirely unfounded, they must be placed within the broader context of the range of impacts—both positive and negative—that international migration flows have on states' core national security interests. Migration flows affect at least three dimensions of national security: state capacity and autonomy, the balance of power, and the nature of violent conflict. Overall, migration management presents a far greater security challenge to weak and failing states than to advanced postindustrial states. States that are able to formulate and implement migration policies that harness the power of international migration will be more secure, rather than less secure, in the new globalized security environment.


Author(s):  
Semyon Verbitsky ◽  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa ◽  
Gilbert Rozman

The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look east or west and within Asia to focus in the northeast or the southeast has throughout the century made a great difference in war or peace, in development or isolation. For Japan, Moscow's strategy to balance west and east, and in the east to concentrate on China or Japan, has had telling consequences for other foreign policy choices. At stake in this bilateral relationship have been the development of Siberia and the Russian Far East; the security environment in Northeast Asia including Korea; the prospects of triangular or quadrangular relations with China and the United States; and the balance of power among the world's great powers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mughis Irfan Siddiqui

OBOR i.e One Belt One Road or China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is actually a game changer, a strategic balance of power between USA and China. In recent times, the establishments of such corridor are establishing new political and economic blocks on the globe. The fine example in this regard is recently much discussed OBOR/CPEC which is going to connect the middle East and South Asia to Europe and Central Asia and to Africa as well. Amid all hopes and interests there are many security concerns and threats. Pakistan’s security situation, regionalism and security environment, Terrorism and militancy, Uyghur issue, ISIS, India-Afghanistan and Iran nexus and the discontentment of USA. Policy towards Pakistan and Russian’s strong desire to be a part of the project is also a matter of great concern for Americans and Indians as well . The role of non state actors in the region, the Gulboshan and other Indian sponsored networks working in the disturbed areas are the challenges along with political fragmentation, social and religious cleavages hindrances. All these security threats and Challenges will be discussed and analyse within this article.


Author(s):  
D. Johnson ◽  
P. Moriearty

Since several species of Schistosoma, or blood fluke, parasitize man, these trematodes have been subjected to extensive study. Light microscopy and conventional electron microscopy have yielded much information about the morphology of the various stages; however, scanning electron microscopy has been little utilized for this purpose. As the figures demonstrate, scanning microscopy is particularly helpful in studying at high resolution characteristics of surface structure, which are important in determining host-parasite relationships.


Author(s):  
Bert Ph. M. Menco ◽  
Ido F. Menco ◽  
Frans L.T. Verdonk

Previously we presented an extensive study of the distributions of intramembranous particles of structures in apical surfaces of nasal olfactory and respiratory epithelia of the Sprague-Dawley rat. For the same structures these distributions were compared in samples which were i) chemically fixed and cryo-protected with glycerol before cryo-fixation, after excision, and ii)ultra-rapidly frozen by means of the slam-freezing method. Since a three-dimensional presentation markedly improves visualization of structural features micrographs were presented as stereopairs. Two exposures were made by tiling the sample stage of the electron microscope 6° in either direction with an eucentric goniometer. The negatives (Agfa Pan 25 Professional) were reversed with Kodak Technical Pan Film 2415 developed in D76 1:1. The prints were made from these reversed negatives. As an example tight-junctional features of an olfactory supporting cell in a region where this cell conjoined with two other cells are presented (Fig. 1).


1995 ◽  
Vol 73 (04) ◽  
pp. 558-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimmo Kontula ◽  
Antti Ylikorkala ◽  
Helena Miettinen ◽  
Alpo Vuorio ◽  
Ritva Kauppinen-Mäkelin ◽  
...  

SummaryThe point mutation Arg506->Gln of factor V was recently shown to be an important and relatively common genetic cause of venous thromboembolism. Using a DNA technique based on polymerase chain reaction, we surveyed the blood samples of 236 patients with ischaemic stroke or a transient ischaemic attack, 122 survivors of myocardial infarction and 137 control subjects for the presence of this mutation. Although the frequency of the factor V mutation in patients with arterial disease (4.5%) was not significantly different from that in healthy blood donors (2.9%), a carrier status for this mutant gene was associated with symptoms of migraine and relatively mild angiographic abnormalities among patients with cerebrovascular disease. A more extensive study addressing the occurrence and significance of the mutant factor V mutation in patients with vasospastic cerebrovascular diseases seems to be warranted.


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