scholarly journals Multiculturalism versus Nationalism and the role of ethnic minorities in the public life of Lithuania

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Oana–Raluca Glăvan ◽  
Lucia Andrievschi- Bartkiene
Keyword(s):  
Union Member ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Public ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Transit Country ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Further Development ◽  
The Eu

Lithuania became a European Union member in 2004 and it is intensively preparing nowadays to take over the EU’s presidency in the second half of 2013. As today EU’s agenda is oriented with priority to tackle the economic crisis, the survival of EURO zone and euro-scepticism, Lithuania’s foreign policy is focused, among others, on further development of the area of freedom and security, promoting further enlargement and development of relations with Eastern countries. In this respect, Lithuania is keen to share its integration experience with candidate and potentially candidate countries and to make the further enlargement of the E. U. in the Western Balkans countries a successful story similar to the 2004 enlargement campaign, with Croatia joining the EU on 1st of July 2013 during Lithuanian presidency and planning to have an impact on the finalization of negotiations with other candidate countries. Since joining the EU, Lithuania has experienced difficulties arising from its role as a destination, source and transit country for legal and irregular international migration. As Lithuania is one of the Member States that have external borders with non-candidate countries (Byelorussia and Russia – Kaliningrad oblast), it is as well concerned about security issues, migration and integration of minorities in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Minorities account for 16% of the population of Lithuania, out of which Poles-6.1 %, Russians and Byelorussians-6% and Ukrainians-0.6 %. Other minorities such as Jews, Germans, Tartars, Latvians, Roma, Armenians etc. account together for 0.7 % of the total population. Lithuanians generally have a positive relationship with their national minorities and the integration of former may be regarded as somewhat advanced, but discrimination cannot be excluded, especially on the labour market. The juridical situation of these minorities and the issues concerning them is the focus of this article.

The UK as victim and hero in the Sun’s coverage of the Brexit ‘humiliation’

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-662
Author(s):  
Franco Zappettini
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Tabloid Journalism ◽  
Tabloid Press ◽  
The Eu

This paper discusses how emotions were mobilised by the British tabloid press as discursive strategies of persuasion during the public debate on the implementation of Brexit. Using the case study of the Suns coverage of the alleged UKs humiliation at the Salzburg meeting (2018) during the Brexit negotiations, the analysis addresses the questions of how and through which linguistic means actors and events were framed discursively in such an article. The findings suggest that The Sun elicited emotions of fear, frustration, pride, and freedom to frame Brexit along a long-established narrative of domination and national heroism. The discourse was also sustained by a discursive prosody in keeping with a satirical genre and a populist register that have often characterised the British tabloid press. In particular the linguistic analysis has shown how antagonistic representations of the UK and the EU were driven by an allegory of incompetent gangsterism and morally justified resistance. Emotionalisation in the article was thus aimed both at ridiculing the EU and at representing it as a criminal organisation. Such framing was instrumental in pushing the newspaper agenda as much as in legitimising and institutionalising harder forms of Brexit with the tabloids readership. Approaching journalist discourse at the intersection of affective, stylistic, and political dimensions of communication, this paper extends the body of literature on the instrumental use of emotive arguments and populist narratives and on the wider historical role of tabloid journalism in representing political relations. between the UK and the EU.

scholarly journals The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and Internalization: Lessons from the Western Balkans

2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Craig
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Precise Form ◽  
Community Rights ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Domestic Law

Abstract The precise form of internalization of the provisions of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in domestic law is crucial in ensuring its long-term effectiveness. Experiences in the Western Balkans raise important questions about the role of minority (or community) rights legislation in deeply divided societies. This article uses the case-studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Republic of North Macedonia to highlight key themes and limitations that have emerged. Comparative analysis reveals a surprising divergence of approaches to internalization in the region. The article further demonstrates that the ‘nation-cum-state paradigm’ remains prevalent, despite the premise of universality. It argues that such legislation can play an important symbolic and practical role, but that legal internalization needs to be seen as an ongoing process. It concludes that attention needs to be given to ensuring the continued particularization and adaptation of such legislation in light of both the limitations and changing circumstances, providing a key lesson also for other divided societies.

scholarly journals ‘The skies are empty and the continent is overflowing with insoluble problems’ – The Covid-19 crisis in the western Balkans and the failure of the EU

SEER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Jens Becker ◽  
Ina Kulić
Keyword(s):  
Health Services ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
High Incidence ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Eu

Many societies are still in the stranglehold of the coronavirus. China, South Korea and Taiwan have apparently overcome the pandemic but problems that are almost impossible to resolve are piling up in Europe. Despite the joint vaccination procurement campaign, the EU in particular is struggling to regulate the crisis domestically. The states of the western Balkans which have been relying on an EU perspective for years and which have repeatedly been put off, have also been hit hard, piling problems on top of health services that are, for a number of reasons, already seriously jeopardised. In view of the worsening situation - countries in central and south-eastern Europe are over-represented among those with the highest numbers of Covid-19 related deaths - we take a closer look at current practicalities and political realities in these ‘high incidence areas’, as the region is currently known (according to the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft). This article focuses on the role of the EU, and how views of this are changing in the region, as well as that being played by other, apparently more nimble and agile, powers.

Wie die EU den Weg aus der „Pandemie-Krise“ findet: Lehren aus der Krisenpolitik nach 2008

IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 328-335
Author(s):  
Hartmut Marhold
Keyword(s):  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Financial Economic ◽  
Learning System ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Investment Bank ◽  
The Public ◽  
Active Player ◽  
European Investment ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) invests huge resources in overcoming the pandemic crisis and does so as a learning system: The Union learned lessons from the previous, the financial, economic and state debt crisis after 2008, in many ways. The EU assumes now definitely the role of an active player in the economy, leaving behind the neoliberal doctrine; she suspends the restrictive budgetary policy, which prevented already in 2008 and the following years adequate solutions; she reshaped the control over its financial aid programmes so that harsh conflict between member states („troika“) are mitigated; the Union further refined the public private partnership mechanisms established unter the aegis of the European Investment Bank (EIB); the European Central Bank (ECB) assumes now a role still disputed after 2008; the flexibility clauses of the Lisbon Treaty, just put into force after 2008, are now extensively applied; and, more than anything else, the Union aims at a change of paradigm by putting the NextGenerationEU programme at the service of sustainable development (enshrined in the Green Deal).

2. The Competition Law and Institutions of the European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 75-96
Author(s):  
Alison Jones ◽  
Brenda Sufrin ◽  
Niamh Dunne
Keyword(s):  
Competition Law ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Enforcement ◽  
The Public ◽  
Directorate General ◽  
National Competition ◽  
Competition Rules ◽  
The Eu

This chapter sketches the history and functions of the EU and its institutions in order to set the EU competition rules in context. It then describes the competition provisions themselves and outlines the way in which the rules are applied and enforced, including the public enforcement of Articles 101 and 102 under Regulation 1/2003, the control of mergers with a European dimension under Regulation 139/2004, public enforcement by the national competition authorities of the Member States, and the role of private enforcement. It discusses the position and powers of the European Commission, particularly the role of the Competition Directorate General (DG Comp); the powers of the EU Courts; the significance of fundamental rights and the general principles of EU law in competition cases; the application of competition rules to particular sectors of the economy; and the application of the EU rules to the EEA.

scholarly journals The leadership component of Kelly’s mobilisation theory: Contribution, tensions, limitations and further development

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Darlington
Keyword(s):  
Union Member ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Union Leadership ◽  
The Social ◽  
Related Approach ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Further Development

This reassessment of Kelly’s analysis of the relationship of activist leadership to collective action within the overall jigsaw of mobilisation theory draws on social movement literature, studies by industrial relations scholars utilising aspects of Kelly’s approach – including this author’s own work – and related research on union leadership within collective mobilisation. In the process, it identifies and celebrates how Kelly’s work, whilst contributing a distinct and substantive actor-related approach, recognised that leadership is one ingredient amongst other factors, including important structural opportunities and constraints. It considers three potential ambiguities/tensions within Kelly’s conceptualisation of leadership related to the social construction of workers’ interests, spontaneity of workers’ action and the ‘leader/follower’ interplay. The review also identifies two important limitations, related to the union member/bureaucracy dynamic and the role of left-wing political leadership, and concludes by signalling different forms of leadership relationships on which further refinement and development would be fruitful.

scholarly journals The Theory of the Hun Origin in Contemporary Bulgaria

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1245-1258
Author(s):  
Evgenii A. Koloskov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Origin ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Usable Past ◽  
The Eu

The article is devoted to the history of the formation and transformation of the theory of the Huns in contemporary Bulgaria through the prism of the political history of the country from the beginning of the debate about the origin of Bulgarians up to present day. The article examines how political reality impacted the processes of shaping scholarly and educational images, i.e. constructing a “convenient” usable past by the Bulgarian academic and non-academic circles. The main aspect in the study is related to the question of various interpretations of the ethnic origin of the Bulgars, the Huns and the role of the Slavic factor in the ethnogenesis of the contemporary Bulgarians. The milestones of the difficult history of Bulgaria and changes in political regimes have become the reasons for rejecting “Slavic” origin or, in some case, returning to it depending on external and internal circumstances. Today the Hun theory in all its variations and interpretations lies outside the professional scope of academic circles but is becoming the domain for various marginals. However, increasing activity of the right and the far-right in the politics of Europe capitalizing on the 2015 refugee crisis might return to the mainstream of official academic discourse the theory of the Hun The upcoming challenges of foreign policy (Euro-skepticism, ambitious projects outside the EU framework) and internal political issues (the question of national minorities) may also have a significant impact on this issue.

scholarly journals THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES TO INFORMATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Trends ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Guardian

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.

scholarly journals Inteligencia para la Seguridad Pública en las Entidades Federativas de México

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Montero Bagatella
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Public Security ◽  
Crime Statistics ◽  
Third Place ◽  
Social Reintegration ◽  
The Public ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Prevention Of Violence ◽  
Strategic Intelligence

Security in Mexico is still being one of the most problematic issues to address. Incidence of crime statistics and perception of insecurity surveys show that insecurity has not been reduced. In this context, the article shows the complexity of public security as an issue that involves the work of different governments but also different institutions withing governments. The research focused on the role of strategic intelligence as an instrument for decision making in public security issues in Mexican states. In this way, the article begins by showing the complexity of the public security issues according with the legal frame. In second place, strategic intelligence is presented as an instrument to address public security. In third place, the article shows the results of the research conducted to identify the capabilities to produce and share intelligence in all Mexican states. The main contribution is to identify the lack of mechanisms to produce and share intelligence in Mexican states but also the limited vision of intelligence as an issue related only to policing instead of considering other elements of public security such as prevention of violence and crime or social reintegration of criminals.

scholarly journals Challenges of the enlargement policy in the light of European Union transformation: Is the rise of Euroscepticism in Serbia inevitable?

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-106
Author(s):  
Jelena Todorovic-Lazic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
The Eu

The EU Summit in Thessaloniki in 2003 is often referred to as a milestone in the relations between the Western Balkans and the European Union because the region was given strong promises of a prospective European perspective through the Stabilization and Association Process. However, the initial enthusiasm that followed has melted over the coming years because the expectations of most countries in the region have not been met (with the exception of Croatia that became an EU member in 2013). Even though we get assurances from the Brussels that they will not give up on enlargement, it is obvious that this issue is not on the list of priorities of the EU at the moment. Not only that its decisiveness to encompass with enlargement the Western Balkans is on shaky grounds due to the numerous challenges that the EU is facing at the moment, but such decline in interest leads to a decline in interest in the countries of the mentioned region that are currently in the accession process. This further leads to the rise in Euroscepticism for which the Western Balkans is a breeding ground. The reasons for Euroscepticism existed even before the enlargement has been brushed aside from the Union agenda (those were mostly reasons related to pre-accession strategy for candidate countries/potential candidates and were present even in the case of countries of Eastern and Central Europe, even though there were also reasons specific for each of these countries.). However, it seems they have become stronger with the new developments in the Union. Incertitude of membership affects the rise of negative attitudes towards the Union in the public opinion of these countries which becomes manifest if we look at numerous public opinion polls. The focus of this paper will be the interpretation of the results of the research that the Institute for Political Studies conducted on an annual basis from 2015 to 2018.

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