Mussolini's Army in the French Riviera

Author(s):  
Emanuele Sica

In contrast to its brutal seizure of the Balkans, the Italian Army’s 1940–1943 relatively mild occupation of the French Riviera and nearby alpine regions bred the myth of the Italian brava gente, or good fellow, an agreeable occupier who abstained from the savage wartime behaviors so common across Europe. Employing a multi-tiered approach, this book examines the simultaneously conflicting and symbiotic relationship between the French population and Italian soldiers. At the grassroots level, the book asserts that the cultural proximity between the soldiers and the local population, one-quarter of which was Italian, smoothed the sharp angles of miscommunication and cultural faux-pas at a time of great uncertainty. At the same time, it encouraged a laxness in discipline that manifested as fraternization and black marketeering. The book’s analysis of political tensions highlights how French prefects and mayors fought to keep the tatters of sovereignty in the face of military occupation. In addition, it reveals the tense relationship between Fascist civilian authorities eager to fulfill imperial dreams of annexation and army leaders desperate to prevent any action that might provoke French insurrection.

Author(s):  
Emanuele Sica

This book examines the Italian army’s occupation of the French Riviera during the period 1940–1943 at three different levels, each involving a triangular relationship. At a more general level, it analyzes the military occupation with the lens of historical sociology, making references to the triangular comparison of the Italian occupation of France to the German occupation of France and to the Italian occupation of the Balkans. It also considers “the structural effects of occupation on the occupied society’s environment and living conditions,” with particular emphasis on the triangular and rocky relationship between the representatives of the French state, especially the prefects and mayors, and the Italian military authorities, the officers of Italian units deployed on French soil, and Italian civilian authorities who were officially dispatched by Rome to supervise the implementation of the Franco-Italian armistice and to secretly prepare for the annexation of the occupied territories. Finally, at a grassroots level, the book explores the “face-to-face interaction between occupiers and occupied people” and how it was shaped by both groups’ habits, culture, prejudices, and tensions.


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


2002 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-194
Author(s):  
J.I. Little

This essay examines the dynamic between the British Wesleyan missionaries and the American-origin population of the Stanstead Circuit within Lower Canada's Eastern Townships. It finds that early revivals were followed by years of slow church growth and stagnation as the missionaries were unable, or unwilling, to develop the lay leadership network that was a central feature of the Methodist system. By the middle of the 19th century, attempts to impose the church discipline on the local population had made relatively little progress in the face of the Rebellions of 1837-38, the Millerite religious revival, the incursion of radical Methodist splinter groups, and ongoing popular resistance to an externally dictated denominational exclusivism that posed a threat to local community bonds.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Jolanta Sujecka

Introductory CommentsNeighbourhood as a Cultural and Social Problem, the central theme of the fourth volume of the annual Colloquia Humanistica, seems to be a subject of importance in all cultural contexts. This universality does indeed find its multidimensional exemplification in our current issue, which draws on cases from throughout Europe and the globe. An unexpected context for the theme of Colloquia Humanistica’s fourth issue is the pair of notions, well rooted in the world of Balkan Sephardic Jews, of baška and barabar. Baška is synonymous with maintaining the distinctiveness of one’s community in the face of assimilationist temptations. Barabar denotes integration with the outside world. In the multicultural world of the Balkans, however, both these notions constituted and indivisible pair, the meaning of one completing the sense of the other, so that together, they taught the members of the community a valuable lesson about the strength to be derived from a wise integration that does not sacrifice the group’s identity.What is most interesting in this fourth issue of Colloquia Humanistica are the paths which united, and at times tragically divided neighbours. After all, it is from these paths that the net of cultural influences is woven, influences which inspire us all. We hope you enjoy this journey. Uwagi wstępneCzwarty numer rocznika Colloquia Humanistica zawiera blok tematyczny Neighbourhood as a Cultural and Social Problem, temat, jak się wydaje, ważny w każdym kontekście kulturowym. I rzeczywiście numer przynosi jego wieloaspektową ilustrację odwołującą się do różnych regionów Europy i świata. Dla tytułowej problematyki czwartego numeru Colloquia Humanistica można odnaleźć nieoczekiwany kontekst w zakorzenionеј w świecie Żydów sefardyjskich na Bałkanach parze pojęć: baška i barabar. Baška jest synonimem zachowania odrębności wspólnoty w obliczu asymilacyjnych pokus. Barabar oznacza integrację ze światem zewnętrznym. Obydwa pojęcia jednak funkcjonowały w wielokulturowym bałkańskim świecie jako nierozdzielna para, ich znaczenie zatem wzajemnie się dopełniało, tworząc swoiste przesłanie dla każdego członka wspólnoty o sile wynikającej z rozumnej integracji, która nie niszczy odrębności własnej grupy.W oddawanym do rąk czytelnika czwartym numerze Colloquia Humanistica  najciekawsze są drogi, które łączyły sąsiadów. One przecież tworzą siatkę wpływów kulturowych, z których wszyscy czerpiemy.


2005 ◽  
Vol 156 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 122-124
Author(s):  
Reinhard Lässig ◽  
Gerhard Huber ◽  
Roderich Von Detten ◽  
Marc Hanewinkel ◽  
Helmut Feichter ◽  
...  

The cold wind blowing in the face of forestry in many countries in Europe grows ever fiercer. 19 partner organisations from seven Alpine nations aim to counter this trend with a new initiative for an active transfer and exchange of know-how that crosses national borders. The concept of the KnowForAlp Initiative is a network that connects forest proprietors, research and practice. The new Internet portal, www.waldwissen.net,provides a wide circle of users interested in the forest-both within and from outside the Alpine regions-with results of the exchange of experience and information.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (SPE2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferhan Gündüz

For the last decade, Turkish TV series particularly soap operas have been alluring an increasing rate of viewers both in Turkey and 76 countries around the world, spreading from Latin America to the Far East. This article examines the sociological foundations of high levels of interest in Turkish TV series in the Balkan region since relationships between the Turks and other people in this geographic area have a long history. As well, today’s reflections of this historical relationship date back to the fifth century in so many ways. Turkish TV series have thus captured the social and cultural proximity of individuals living in these two geographies in the best sense and have also raised their awareness in this respect. A total of 15 out of 76 TV series released in Turkey until 2016 have been so far exported to Balkan countries and they have received enough attention. Accordingly, it is of utmost importance to determine the sociological foundations of this development.


Author(s):  
Roy Jones

The Margaret River region is within a biodiversity ‘hot spot’ and is an agricultural region famous for its premium wine production and wine, gastronomic and ecotourism. These activities are vulnerable to climate change, especially to reductions in rainfall and runoff. The region has experienced demographic growth as the wine and tourism industries have expanded, and as an educated and affluent population of retirees, second home owners, ‘electronic cottagers’ and alternative lifestylers has moved into the area. Two projects, a local study as part of a national evaluation of the adaptation of tourist areas to climate change and a more focused identification of vulnerable locations and activities were supported by local government, business and community organisations and several adaptive strategies were identified. The success of these projects can in part be attributed to the relatively high levels of both education and environmental awareness possessed by the local population as a matter of happenstance. Nevertheless, the original contention of this paper is that these initiatives also allow communities like Margaret River to take on the role of front-runners, providing demonstrations and learning opportunities on how to manage the transition to sustainability and guidance on how such methods might be adapted in other rural areas facing the challenges of climate change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Triggs

Following its emergence as a popular social byword, in 2012 the term “positive energy” was adopted into frequent usage in Chinese political discourse. Previous studies have analysed the term’s usage in a social context alongside a growing interest in positive psychology, resulting in a portrayal of its main function as that of spreading hope and optimism in the face of challenges. This study now seeks to understand the ideological function the term has served in the political sphere, arguing for a deeper understanding of positive energy discourse within a Gramscian framework of political consensus-building, aimed at reinforcing CCP hegemony. This is shown through an exploratory analysis of People’s Daily Online articles inspired by framing and content-analysis theory, which considers the thematic components, sub-frame problems and actors of the term since the beginning of Xi Jinping’s time in power. The results of this analysis reveal four key trends. These are a focus on challenges which undermine Party dominance; an emphasis on ideas of social responsibility, and communality of interest between the state and the people; a promotion of moral action a grassroots level; and the advocation of state authority over the Internet. The results demonstrate how positive energy discourse has encouraged a popular consensus around CCP hegemony, creating a Gramscian “common sense” due to its grassroots origins, association with an increasingly popular positive psychology movement, and in-built connotations of happiness.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
ELENA E. KRASNOZHENOVA ◽  

The war of Germany against the USSR was based on the idea of expanding the "living space" of the German nation, capable of using the resources of the occupied territories of the Soviet republics for the benefit of its own development. The population of the countries destined for conquest must feed the German economy with man power resources, the natural reserves of their former territories will provide the economic needs of the German army and the entire German people. The most important tool for the economic use of the occupied territories was the tax system, the export of production equipment, property of organizations and citizens. For staffing industrial production in the occupied territories, labor exchanges were created, distributing the civilian population to work at local enterprises. The occupation caused enormous damage to the population, economy and economy of the North-West of Russia. The number of the local population, which was destroyed in concentration camps, was subjected to robberies and terror, and was mobilized for defensive and other work, significantly decreased. The population experienced constant hunger, only those who were involved in compulsory work in production received the minimum supply. A significant number of able-bodied citizens of the occupied regions of the North-West were sent to forced labor in Germany. The violent deportation of the population to Germany was accompanied by unprecedented cruelty and brutal reprisals. In the face of intensified repression, the process of mass entry of the rural population into partisan detachments began.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 713-728
Author(s):  
S. A. Cavell

The pirate, privateer and smuggler Jean Laffite dominated the mercantile life of New Orleans from 1809 to 1815 by exploiting the limited reach of a weak US government in its attempts to control over the frontier of the Louisiana Gulf Coast. Laffite’s status as a cultural anti-hero to the majority-French population, who disdained the American government and the war it initiated in 1812, saw much public support for his efforts to evade law enforcement. Such support, however, waned in the face of an overwhelming threat from British invaders in the autumn of 1814. Adept at survival, Laffite reinvented himself as a loyal patriot by contributing vital materiel to the shaky military defence of the city. In doing so, he ensured his freedom and became a hero of the Battle of New Orleans, a myth that endures to this day. His story demonstrates the limits of state power against piratical practices in the nineteenth century, particularly when they occurred on a distant shore, among a population who protected their cherished rogues.


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