A Liberal in City Government

Author(s):  
Tula A. Connell

This chapter explores the immediate postwar economic, political, and cultural environment of Milwaukee, a city where decades of stasis were compounded by a changing demographic that included suburban flight and an increasingly lower-income urban core. The long municipal governance by socialist Mayor Daniel Hoan (1916–1940) and the city's high levels of unionization had fostered a strong middle class from the early decades of the century through World War II. But far more than most industrialized Midwestern cities, Milwaukee had seen little modernization since the 1920s, with brewery industrialists and other business leaders markedly absent from contributing to citywide improvement, unlike their peers in cities such as Pittsburgh. By war's end, the necessity to meet the growing and evolving needs of city residents, and generate a solid financial base to do so, created a crisis atmosphere recognized by political leaders and private-sector actors alike.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Robert Hutchings

“Truth to power”: it is a stirring phrase, but what does it mean? It certainly does not mean that US intelligence believes itself to possess the Truth with a capital T, but the phrase grows out of the initial mandate given by President Harry Truman: “to accomplish the evaluation and dissemination of strategic intelligence” and to do so independent of the principal policy agencies. This mandate created a built-in and deliberate tension between intelligence and policy—sometimes friendly and constructive, other times conflictual. The Office of National Estimates, set up in the immediate aftermath of World War II, produced some highly regarded national intelligence estimates but acquired a reputation for “Olympian detachment” that led in the 1970s to its replacement by a National Intelligence Council composed of around a dozen national intelligence officers led by a chairman or chairwoman.


Worldview ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (9) ◽  
pp. 5-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Becker

Modern physicists have penetrated far beyond vision into an ultimate pantheon of mesons and muons and other demiurges of matter. We have managed to turn their poetic penetration into the physical threats of Three Mile Island and a nuclear arms race. American statesmen after World War II, with uncommon and far-reaching vision, set about restoring a devastated world. The world they produced, a world of free, interdependent, and disputatious nations, seems to many Americans and myopic political leaders a source of embarrassment rather than the fruit of our own farsighted statesmanship.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
L. Eve Armentrout Ma

AbstractSince the end of World War II, the United States has been foremost in negotiating military bases on foreign soil, and it can be anticipated that it will do so again in the future. In general, these base agreements have had many common elements. Most have allowed the stationing of American troops on foreign soil for a very long period of time, and have involved a certain measure of extraterritoriality. Most have been concluded under conditions of stress for the host country. Often, for example, the host nation has been one that was devastated by war, and was either the recently defeated enemy or the near-prostrate victor. In many cases the host nation was relatively small, economically shaky, and newly independent, fearful of its chances of survival in an unpredictable and often hostile world; and more often than not, the former ruler or territorial administrator was the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 953-978
Author(s):  
Rosella Cappella Zielinski ◽  
Ryan Grauer

States often fight side-by-side on the battlefield. As detailed in our new dataset, Belligerents in Battle, 178 of the 480 major land battles fought during interstate wars waged between 1900 and 2003 involved at least one multinational coalition. Though coalition partners fight battles together to increase their odds of securing specific objectives, they vary significantly in their capacity to do so. Why? Drawing on organization theory insights, we argue that coalitions’ variable battlefield effectiveness is a function of interactions between their command structures and the resources each partner brings to the fight. Coalitions adopting command structures tailored to simultaneously facilitate the efficient use of partners’ variably sized resource contributions and discourage free-riding, shirking, and other counterproductive actions will fight effectively; those that employ inappropriate command structures will not. Evidence from Anglo-French operations during World War I and Axis operations during World War II strongly supports our claim. For scholars, our argument and findings about the importance of military organizational dynamics for the operation and performance of coalitions raise important new questions and provide potential insights about coalition formation, duration, and termination. For practitioners, it is significant that, since 1990, 36 of 49 of major battles in interstate wars have involved at least one coalition and the majority of those coalitions have been, like the cases we study, ad hoc in nature. Understanding how command arrangements affect performance and getting organization right at the outset of wars is increasingly important.


1986 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Nash

From its beginnings in the private library of Pierre S. du Pont, the Hagley Museum and Library has grown into a leading resource for business historians, particularly for those interested in the development of the mid-Atlantic region of the United States. In this thorough description of the Hagley's collections, Dr. Nash demonstrates the breadth and depth of its holdings, from the papers of the eighteenth-century Physiocrats to those of New Deal and post-World War II companies and business leaders.


1999 ◽  
Vol 24 (04) ◽  
pp. 777-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Risa L. Goluboff

During World War II, young African Americans from southern cities left their homes for what appeared to be patriotic job opportunities harvesting sugar cane in Florida. When returning workers described peonage and slavery instead, parents worried about their children's safety. After attempting to contact their children directly, the parents appealed to the federal government. Their decision to mobilize the federal government and the strategies they used to do so reveal important aspects of wartime African American protest that historians have previously overlooked. This article focuses on families instead of atomized individuals, revealing the importance of families, neighborhoods, and communities to the emergence of rights consciousness. It also complicates the historiographical dichotomy between rights consciousness and patronage relationships. Patrons served as liaisons with law enforcement agencies and provided links to a law-centered rights consciousness. For many historians, until protest exits the realm of patronage ties, it is not really protest, and once interactions with government themselves become bureaucratized they cease to be protest any longer. The efforts of the peons' families challenge both ends of this narrow category of protest; they both used patronage relations to lodge their protests and also forged rights consciousness within the legal process itself.


1951 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Author(s):  
William L. Schaaf

Twenty years ago one heard very little about “guidance” in high school mathematics. Many students took mathematics only because they were required to do so, or because they were told it was good for them. Other students took no mathematics- having been misguided by wellmeaning adults. World War II temporarily usurped the role of guidance counsellor. There was little doubt as to what had to be done.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-82
Author(s):  
Amir Engel

Abstract While there is growing interest in the postwar era, the cultural characteristics of the period after World War II and the period’s historical scope are still largely underdetermined. The purpose of this article is to offer a more nuanced use of the term postwar and insights into the cultural landscape of this enormously significant moment in the history of the West. To do so, it examines three major works of what is termed here the immediate postwar. These works are fundamentally dissimilar and yet, it is argued, share an emotional disposition. As shown, all three works exhibit a complex dialectical coupling of horror and anticipation. In other words, this article demonstrates that the cultural production of the postwar period (in the exact sense of the term) is characterized, on the one hand, by a sincere depiction of suffering and depravity but, on the other, by an intense engagement with questions about the moral and social future.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Menninger

One clear fact emerging from current public opinion polls is that most Americans have little confidence in both political leaders and the political system. At the time of this writing, the president's approval ratings have slipped to the lowest mark for any president since World War II – just above 25 percent, according to one poll. Members of Congress have hardly been faring better. Throughout 1977, even as the president's popularity began to slide down, approval ratings for Congress never went above 40 percent, ending the year at just above 30 percent. Indeed, all politicians have suffered from severely diminished status in the public eye. In one recent survey on occupational prestige, they were rated next to last among fifteen occupations listed, a step above salesmen and one below skilled workers.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


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