Serbia under the Swastika

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Prusin
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Cheap Labour ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Minimal Effort

Serbia occupied a particular place in Hitler’s “New Order” in the Balkans. In April 1941 it was made into a rump condominium ruled by the German military and exploited as a strategic base and a source of raw materials and cheap labour force. Such objectives entailed the utilization of Serbia’s economy and manpower with a minimal effort and spending on the part of Germany. Therefore, the German political and military leadership was willing to side-line the Nazi ideological-racial criteria in favour of more restrained occupation policies. This book, therefore, addresses several interrelated topics such as German occupation as impacted by the political-military situation in the Balkans; rivalries between different German branches, each pursuing their own objectives; the role of native collaboration in the occupation system; the civil war, which reflected the conflict between Serbs of different political orientations in Serbia, and the life of the population at large, which found itself caught between the forces or occupation and resistance. The examination of these issues would enhance an ongoing discussion about the mechanisms of German rule in occupied Europe and the dynamics of national resistance and collaboration.

XXVI. Maurice Barrès as a Romanticist

PMLA ◽  
1926 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-487
Author(s):  
Frederic D. Cheydleur
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Contemporary Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Profound Influence ◽  
The World ◽  
French Culture ◽  
Pierre Loti ◽  
Literary Movements

During the last two and a half years France has lost three great writers, Pierre Loti, Anatole France, and Maurice Barrès. Loti, because of his impressionistic novels of the most artistic kind which record his tireless quest of sensations in all countries of the world, France, because of his epicurean philosophy and Voltairean wit expressed in two-score works of the most finished style, and Barrès, because of his triple rôle of author, politician, and leader of traditionalism in France,—all three have left a profound influence on the contemporary literature of their country. Of these three, Barrès, in spite of the conceit of his early egotism, the narrowness of his nationalism, and the occasional arrogance of his confidence in the superiority of French culture, is by far the most highly endowed and representative; and on this account his work will receive more and more attention from serious students of the political, social, and literary movements of the last thirty years in France. He was one of the first to make his voice heard against the extreme naturalism of Zola and his school; he founded a group of enthusiastic young writers striving toward a new order of things; and, after a period of hesitation, he stood forth as the champion of the best traditions of his country. The purpose of this paper is not, however, to make a comparative study of the relative greatness of these three writers, but rather to trace the struggle between the classical and romantic elements in Barrès' composition, and to show that the latter were not only predominant in his first writings but continued to the end of his life as a strong undercurrent in his novels and books of travel.

scholarly journals Summum supplicium in the Legislation of Christian Roman Emperors

2019 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Andrzej Chmiel
Keyword(s):  
Present State ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Criminal Penalty ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
Criminal Legislation

This publication is an attempt to answer the question: what was the role of the criminal penalty, especially in its strictest form (summum supplicium) in the Roman legislation of Christian emperors? Finally, whether is it noticeable, based on the example of summum supplicium, that Christianity influenced the Roman criminal law in any way? As it has been demonstrated, the new state religion did not radically change the Roman criminal legislation. The legislation of the Christian emperors confirmed both, the division of society into servi and liberii that had existed for centuries in the Roman state and the diversity of the legal situation of individual social groups. Punishment in the legislation of Christian emperors continued to fulfil the role it had played in the previous centuries and became, even more than ever before, an essential tool for the political struggle of the present state authority. The finest example of this was the legislation of Constantine the Great, followed by all the severity of criminal repression which resulted in the issuing of this legal act. A great desire to bring about a new order, maintain power and even the fear of losing it can be detected in the strictness of the Constantine’s legislation. Finally, the once persecuted Christians began to behave like their previous persecutors.

scholarly journals The Centre–Periphery Antagonism in Adjudication: A Case Study on the Spatial Dimension of the Political

2021 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 121-140
Author(s):  
Rafał Mańko
Keyword(s):  
Social Group ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Spatial Dimension ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Court Case ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Cheap Labour

One of the key elements of the critical theory of adjudication is the identification of an objective antagonism that is at stake behind a given court case. The identification of the antagonism allows to develop an axis, along which interpretive possibilities can be spread and arranged from those most favourable to social group A (e.g. workers) to that most favourable to social group B (e.g. businesses). The paper discusses the famous Laval–Viking case-law which was concerned with the fundamental rights of workers (right to strike and undertake collective action) and their relation to the economic freedoms of businesses, seeking to escape the high standards of worker protection in their own country either by changing the flag of a ship to a flag of convenience (Viking) or by importing cheap labour force from abroad, without guaranteeing the workers equal rights (Laval). Whereas the vast majority of scholars have interpreted the Viking–Laval jurisprudence as relating to the fundamental socio-economic antagonism opposing workers and businesses, the Slovenian scholar Damjan Kukovec has proposed an alternative reading. According to him, the real antagonism is ultimately between workers from the periphery (Central Europe, in casu Baltic countries) and workers from the centre (Western Europe, in casu Scandinavian countries). By introducing the spatial dimension to the political, Kukovec entirely changes the formulation of the underlying antagonism. The paper engages critically with Kukovec’s analysis and argues that the objective interest of Central European workers lies not in selling their labour at dumping prices, but gaining the same guarantees of social protection as existing in the West.

EDUCATING THE MURID: THEORY AND PRACTICES OF EDUCATION IN AMADU BAMBA'S THOUGHT

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 310-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheikh Anta Babou
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Religious Change ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
Conscious Decision ◽  
Effective Instrument ◽  
Principal Tool

AbstractThe scholarship on the Muridiyya focuses mainly on the examination of the political and economic aspects of the brotherhood. Dominant scholarly interpretations see the organisation as an effective instrument of adaptation to a turbulent period in history. Disgruntled Wolof farmers joined the Muridiyya as a way of adjusting to the new order brought about by the demise of the pre-colonial kingdoms and the establishment of French domination in Senegal, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Since the role of religious innovations and beliefs was considered peripheral in this process of adjustment, not much attention has been devoted to doctrinal and spiritual issues within the brotherhood. Emphasis had been put on the analysis of the socio-political context of the founding of the Murid brotherhood, and the economic and psychological incentives that might have motivated people to join the organisation. In contrast to this interpretation, I conceive of the Muridiyya as the result of a conscious decision by a Sufi shaikh who saw it primarily as a vehicle for religious change, but also for social and political transformation. Education was the principal tool for the realisation of this social change. This article describes and analyses Amadu Bamba's views on educational theory and practices and explores how his Sufi orientation shaped Murid pedagogy. It reveals the centrality of the theme of education in his writings, sermons and correspondence and documents the continuing influence of this education on the Murid ethos.

Foundations of Swedish Economy Model

2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (5) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Rybalkin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
A Current

The article surveys the theories of national economy regulation introduced by eminent economists of the Stockholm School in the late XIX - early XX centuries and the social situation in Sweden during this period. The article also analyzes the transformation of Swedish economy during XX century from a relatively pure market economy to a modern “Scandinavian socialism”, focuses on the role of government agencies and the influence of the political system on this process. In addition, the paper highlights those features which, according to the author, contributed to Sweden's shift from the raw materials supplier of the leading industrial powers in the late XIX century to a current world leader in technological development.

British Brutalism, the ‘New European Drama’, and the Role of the Director

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanja Nikcevic
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
English Literature ◽  
Full Length ◽  
The Political ◽  
Remedial Action ◽  
American Drama ◽  
Fulbright Scholar ◽  
The University

The explosion of new theatre writing in Britain during and since the 'nineties contrasted with a dearth of original plays on continental Europe, east and west. Sanja Nikcevic attributes this in part to the dominance over the previous decades of the role of leading directors, who increasingly sought out raw materials to shape productions conforming to their own or their company's ideas. She traces the attempts in a number of countries to correct the imbalance by encouraging new writing through workshops and festivals—yet also how the explosion and importation of the British ‘in-yer-face’ style then affected the kind of new writing that was considered innovative and acceptable at such events. She argues against the claims made for the political significance of plays such as Sarah Kane's Blasted, suggesting rather that the acceptance of the normality of violence without reference to its social context negates the possibility of remedial action. A former Fulbright Scholar, Sanja Nikcevic is Head of the Department of English Literature at the University of Osijek, Croatia. Her full-length publications include The Subversive American Drama: Sympathy for Losers (1994), Affirmative American Drama: Long Live the Puritans (2003), and New European Drama: the Great Deception (2005). She was the founder and for eight years the president of the Croatian Centre of the International Theatre Institute.

scholarly journals Civic virtues dalam pendidikan moral dan kewarganegaraan di Indonesia era orde baru

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samsuri Samsuri
Keyword(s):  
Civic Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Political Decision Making

 This paper described the role of New Order Regime in Indonesia to build the citizen characters through the educational system. The regime effort to inculcate its interpretation on Pancasila (Five Principles) such as "Pedoman Penghayatan dan Pengamalan Pancasila" (P4). Citizens have been forced to receive and agree what regime intentions on Pancasila. They should be loyal to what regime interests on Pancasila. In the schooling, the New Order Regime has established P4 as core contents of civic virtues to build "good citizen" characters. Some policies in the educational (schooling) system released namely "Pendidikan Moral Pancasila" (Education of Moral Pancasila, PMP) and "Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan" (Pancasila dan Civic Education, PPKn). This paper seemed the political decision making on how civic virtues have been implemented in the textbooks and two curriculum periods (1984 and 1994). The last, this paper examined the opportunity and prospect the new paradigm of civic education post-1998, i.e. the transitional democracy period after the fall of Suharto as leader profile of the New Order Regime. 

scholarly journals Muslim localizing democracy:a non-pesantren village in Madura as a preliminary study

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 297
Author(s):  
Muhammad Endy Saputro
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Preliminary Study ◽  
Élan Vital

The political dynamic of village in Indonesian New Order has two faces. On one<br />hand, it is conditioned by the feudalism of village’s leader which is monopolized<br />from one generation to other generations. On the other hand, religion can be an<br />alternative to challenge this feudalism. I explore this condition through an examination<br />of the role of kalebun (the village’s leader) and kiai in a non-pesantren<br />village in Madura, Indonesia. In Madura society, kiai and its pesantren take important<br />role in the process of Islamic institutionalization. Yet, in this case, the<br />absence of pesantren enforces the kiai to be counter-balance of the feudalism of<br />the kalebun. And, the kiai claims that this counter-balance is on behalf of democracy.<br />This article concludes with a discussion of the requirement of democracy in “Islamic” local politics as well as in search of good local governance in post<br />Indonesian New Order.<br />Dinamika politik desa pada masa Orde Baru menghadapi dua realitas antagonis.<br />Di satu sisi, pemerintahan desa dimonopoli oleh generasi tertentu yang melahirkan<br />rezim feodal. Seorang Muslim, di lain sisi, berpotensi menjadi elan vital perlawanan<br />terhadap feodalisme tersebut. Tulisan ini berupaya menggali dua kenyataan<br />tersebut melalui analisis kepemimpinan kalebun (kepala desa) dan kiai di sebuah<br />desa non-pesantren di Madura, Indonesia. Pada jamaknya, dalam masyarakat<br />Madura, kiai dan pesantren memiliki peranan penting dalam proses<br />institusionalisasi Islam. Namun, dalam studi ini, ketiadaan pesantren, membuat<br />kiai (dengan langgarnya) berusaha membendung arus feudalisme kalebun. Sebuah<br />temuan menarik bahwa perlawanan sang kiai tidak atas nama Islam, tetapi demi<br />tegaknya demokratisasi di desa.

scholarly journals KAUM INTELEKTUAL DALAM POLITIK PERTAMBANGAN

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Djaja Hendra ◽  
Endriatmo Soetarto ◽  
Arya H Dharmawan ◽  
Bambang Purwanto
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Change Process ◽  
Moral Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Theory Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Entity ◽  
Organic Intellectual

This research about agrarian social change in Bangka. The method in this study uses structural Gramscian perspective and critical theory approach. The results of research has showed the role of intellectuals in the social change process. Its related to political dynamic in this area. After the new Order Era, the position of the intellectual very importance, especially in moving of mass aspiration. In this context, these change are realted to the role of the intellectual as a social entity forming the state and civil society well that the New Orde era and before the for the political leadership through organic intellectual actor. In the pos New Orde era more emphasizes the intellectual and moral leadership.

Introduction Turkey and the Balkans in the New Millennium: Religion, Identity and Power

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk
Keyword(s):  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Political Economic

‘ Turkey is back!’ Since the beginning of the 2000s, a considerable number of semi-academic and academic productions, echoing popular opinion, have been building around this theme with regard to the role of the Turkish Republic in the Balkan Peninsula and its social, cultural, economic and religious ramifications. Some claim that the policies of the successive AKP (Justice and Development Party – Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) governments and the political strategies of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan concerning the Balkans have long been energised by Turkey’s desire to re-establish political, economic, religious and cultural hegemony in the region through various neo-imperialist and neo-colonial projects, and to foresee the revitalisation of the multifaceted Ottoman legacy....

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