scholarly journals Familija Publija Kornelija Dolabele / The family of Publius Cornelius Dolabella

Author(s):  
Salmedin Mesihović

Publius Cornelius Dolabella, the most famous governor of the Province of Upper Illyricum / Dalmatia, is a descendant of an eminent and ancient Roman family that has originated and belonged to the patrician gens Cornelia. Gens Cornelia had a large number of branches, including Dolabellae. Representatives of this branch of Cornelia are recorded in sources as prominent officials during the Middle Republic. Publius Cornelius Dolabella Maximus was a consul in 283 BC, followed by two more members of branch Cornelius Dolabella, but with praenomen Gnaeus, the consuls of the Republic in 159 and 81 BC. Several other  members of this branch held high political, military and religious functions during the republican system. During the 2nd  and 3 rd Roman civil wars, Publius Cornelius Dolabella (later sometimes called Lentulus) appeared on the political arena, who was born around 70 BC and was the consul in 44 BC. His public service was an example of unscrupulous politics in the last few years of the republican system. He died in 43 BC, when the city Laodicea was overtaken by Cassius,  one of the leaders of the Republican Party. His namesake son (with his first wife  Fabia, while his second wife was Tullia, the daughter of Cicero) belonged to the  Octavian faction at war with Mark Antony. Our Publius Cornelius Dolabella was  the son of the latter, who was a supporter of Octavian and actively worked on the  public scene in the last decade of the life of Augustus (27 BC-14 AD) and in the  first period of the reign of Tiberius (14-37 AD). 

Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


Author(s):  
Gulnara Bayazitova

The article examines the tradition of formation of the concepts “family” (famille) and “household” (ménage) in the political theory of the French lawyer, Jean Bodin. The article looks into different editions of Six Books of the Commonwealthto explore the connotations of the key concepts and the meaning that Bodin ascribed to them. As secondary sources, Bodin uses the works by Xenophon, Aristotle, Apuleus, and Marcus Junianus Justin, as well as the Corpus Juris Civilis. Bodin examines three different traditions, those of Ancient Greece, Ancient Hebrew, and Ancient Rome. Each of these traditions has its own history of the concepts of the “family” and of the “household”. Bodin refers to ancient traditions for polemics, but eventually offers his own understanding, not only of the concepts of “famille” and “ménage”, but also of the term «République», defined as the Republic, a term that (with some reservations) refers to the modern notion of state. The very fact that these concepts are being used signifies the division of the political space into the spheres of the private and the public. Furthermore, the concepts of the “family” and of the “household” are key to understand the essence of sovereignty as the supreme authority in the Republic. The author concludes that the difference between Bodin’s concepts of the “family” and the “household” lies not only in the possession of property and its legal manifestation, but also in the fact that the “household” is seen by Bodin as the basis of the Republic, the first step in the system of subordination to the authority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnab Das

The autoethnographic narrative seeks to historicize the major political episodes of Calcutta/Kolkata metropolis as the meeting point of personal and public contexts of meaning since India’s independence. This juxtaposition has emerged to be even more significant due to the partition of Bengal, India. The middle-class majority framework of everyday life in the city shifted from the closed class hegemony of the bhadralok masculinity to the postpartitioned position of open and inclusive masculinity, which encountered unprecedented challenges in terms of caste, gender, and class. For theorizing such masculinities (e.g., feudal, radical, coercive, conjugated, and pragmatic) in these periods, the personal is found to be related to the public, the subaltern is found to be related to the hegemonic, and the political enters critically the continuum of the domestic and the public. Despite the growing autonomy of women since the colonial period (until it reached the scope of accepted practice in the postcolonial period), the deeply embedded patriarchy at the level of the family privileged masculinity as the only legitimate manifestation of hegemonic power in the public practices of any order of society. Bengalis could not come out of this masculine fold in spite of a militancy invoked for survival, encounters with radical movements, political turbulence, and the pragmatic governance of the populace for a long period.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
Pandelani H. Munzhedzi

Accountability and oversight are constitutional requirements in all the spheres of government in the Republic of South Africa and their foundation is in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. All spheres of government are charged with the constitutional mandate of providing public services. The level of responsibility and public services provision also goes with the level of capacity of a particular sphere. However, most of the direct and visible services that the public receives are at the local sphere of government. As such, enormous resources are channelled towards this sphere of government so that the said public services could be provided. It is imperative that the three spheres of government account for the huge expenditures during the public service provision processes. The parliaments of national and provincial governments exercise oversight and accountability over their executives and administrations through the Public Accounts Committees, while the local sphere of government relies on the Municipal Public Accounts Committees. This article is theoretical in nature, and it seeks to explore the current state of public accountability in South Africa and to evaluate possible measures so as to enhance public accountability. The article argues that the current public accountability mechanisms are not efficient and effective. It is recommended that these mechanisms ought to be enhanced by inter alia capacitating the legislative bodies at national, provincial and local spheres of the government.


2016 ◽  
pp. 303-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Cvetkovic

The consequences of the floods that had affected the area of Serbia in 2014 indicated a very low level of preparedness of population to respond to natural disasters. Therefore, the aim of quantitative research is to examine the impact of fear on the willingness of citizens to respond to a natural disaster caused by the flood in the Republic of Serbia. Bearing in mind all local communities in Serbia where floods occurred or there is a high risk of flooding, there was selected a random sample consisting of 19 out of 150 municipalities and 23 towns and the city of Belgrade. In the selected communities, a research was undertaken in those areas that had been most affected in relation to the amount of water or potential risk of flooding. The survey used strategy of testing in households with the use of a multi- stage random sample. The research results indicate that the citizens who have a fear of floods are familiar with safety procedures to a greater extent in relation to citizens who do not have the fear; they have taken the preventive measures; they point out that they still are not ready to respond, but plan to do so in the next 6 months; they would evacuate to the upper floor of the house; they point out that someone in the family has educated them about the flood. In contrast to that, citizens who do not have the fear are not doing anything to prepare themselves to react in such situations, they are confident in their own abilities to cope with the consequences of floods, etc. The originality of the research lies in the fact that in Serbia there has never been conducted a research to examine the state of preparedness of citizens to respond. Bearing in mind that the research is based on the territory of Serbia, conclusions can be generalized to the entire population. The research results can be used when creating a strategy for improving the level of preparedness of citizens to respond.


Author(s):  
Lies Fajarwati Wijaya ◽  
Winarti Winarti ◽  
Joko Suranto

The e-retribution public service innovation by the Surakarta City Trade Office is a new concept regarding the online levy payment system. First launched in mid-2016, E-retribution as part of the implementation of smart government is included in the smart city indicator. This study uses the typology theory of public service innovation Muluk (2008). Research location in the city trade office Surakarta, with a qualitative descriptive method. The data collection technique was obtained by purposive sampling through informant interviews, observations and documents. The results show that the public service innovation with the e-retribution program can simplifying public services and saving more time, costs and human resources, ensuring accountable transactions. In addition, E-retribution has an impact on increasing Solo Local Revenue every year.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
MARINA SAVELYEVA ◽  

Developing the talents of the organization’s employees is becoming an increasingly important component for the formation of the organization’s competitive advantages since it is aimed at attracting and retaining high-quality specialists. The concept of talent can be described as a multifaceted phenomenon, including person’s abilities acquired from birth, skills obtained throughout life, and involvement in a favorite type of occupation. The article describes the main ways to identify employees’ talents, such as: “Tricky questions”, “Matrix for determining talent”, and analysis of employee’s personal life. The author recommends paying special attention to the context and examples of difficult situations from the employee’s work activities, the made-up decisions in these conditions, as well as to analyze the most successfully mastered areas. The author also identifies key positions regarding the motivation of talent development and emphasizes that the main driving force in creative activity is not monetary remuneration or evaluation of human efforts but opportunities for employees to show an aptitude to research, learn and develop. As a result of analyzing the experience of talent management in the public service of the city of Singapore, the article highlights such methods of working with talented employees as allocating working time for training, staff rotation, participation in inter- structural project teams, and mentoring. Also, the author considers the trend of introduction and use of artificial intelligence in the organization’s activities and its impact on the work of talented employees. It allows automating routine work and creating conditions for shifting the focus of employees to work creatively.


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


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