scholarly journals Using and Trusting in Media, Type of Governance and the Political Trust of University Students: A Case Study

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Jahangir Jahangiri ◽  
Khalil-Allah Sardarnia
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Positive Relationship ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Master's Students ◽  
Media Type ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
The Government

<p><span lang="EN-US">Political trust in governments and political organs is a significant determinant of legitimacy. This quantitative study, using survey and questionnaire, has studied and investigated the effects of two variables of the state’s governing method and performance, as well as soft power on students’ political trust. The sample of the study included 400 bachelor’s and master’s students studying at Shiraz University. The result revealed a positive relationship students’ use of domestic media and trusting their contents and their political trust on the government and the political institutions. There was a negative and inverse relation when it came to the Internet and satellite channels. In terms of government performance indicators (including sense of security, notion of rule of law, services, accountability and political effectiveness) and political trust, a positive relationship was observed. However, an inverse and significant relationship was seen between the thought that there’s discrimination and corruption and political trust. </span><span lang="EN-US">The multivariate analysis showed that the variables namely Trust in news of local media, </span><span lang="EN-US">notion of corruption in institutions, notion of accountability, responsibility and supervision in the government and administration, sense of security</span><span lang="EN-US">, </span><span lang="EN-US">notion of rule of law, and </span><span lang="EN-US">sex (being man), totally explained 49.7% of changes in political trust.</span></p>

scholarly journals POLITIK HUKUM PERATURAN PEMERINTAH PENGGANTI UNDANG-UNDANG REPUBLIK INDONESIA NOMOR 1 TAHUN 2014 TENTANG PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR, BUPATI, DAN WALIKOTA

FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Jeffry Rananda
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The formation of The government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor? How does the process of formation of the government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor studied in the political perspective of the law? A substitute for the law of regulation making process shows again that the law is a product of politics. The fact that a political institutions, that chooses to create the rule of law. Although empirically then the law will be reset the political institutions. A substitute for the law of regulation is a Ius Constitutum as regulations on local elections. However, A substitute for the act of regulation it will not be effective because it is only temporary. A substitute for the Law of regulation attestation required then it becomes a law or made the latest Law. Keywords: The government regulation a substitute for the Law, Legal Politics

Institutional Favoritism, Income, and Political Trust: Evidence from Jordan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ammar Shamaileh ◽  
Yousra Chaábane
Keyword(s):  
Negative Correlation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Well Being ◽  
National Origin ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regression Analyses ◽  
Empirical Examination ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Well Being

What is the relationship between institutional favoritism, economic well-being, and political trust? Due to the role that East Bank tribes played in supporting the monarchy during the state’s formative years, Jordan has institutionalized a type of political discrimination that privileges East Bank Jordanians over Palestinian Jordanians. An empirical examination of the political institutions of the state reveals that such discrimination remains pervasive. It was subsequently theorized that institutional favoritism’s impact on political trust is conditional on income due to the greater salience of group identity among individuals with lower incomes. Regression analyses of survey data reveal a consistent negative correlation between political trust and income among East Bank Jordanians. There is little evidence of a substantively meaningful unconditional relationship between national origin and political trust.

Het beleid van de provincies

Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298
Author(s):  
Staf Lauwerysen
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Task Analysis ◽  
Financial Analysis ◽  
Community Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Structure ◽  
Provincial Level ◽  
The Government

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts a question into the usefulness of the provincial institutions.This contribution intends to throw more light on the policy at the provincial level - now and in the near past - by means of a brief functional and financial analysis. Beforehand, it has to be mentioned that juridical and institutional limitations do exercise a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces.A task-analysis shows that they are mainly concerned with «traditional» tasks ( e.g. education, traffic), but they recently take into consideration «modern» tasks in the domain of social welfare (e.g. culture, community-organization) .However, the means of the Belgian provinces are very limited ; as a result, the current expenditures of the provinces do not exceed 3 % of all public current expenditures. It shows the relative small importance of the provinces in the total government structure.

The Judiciary and the Rule of Law in Africa

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Heyl
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Leisure Activities ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
African Region ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Government

In a liberal conception of democracy, courts play an important role in facilitating the rule of law by controlling the abidance to rules and by holding the political branches of government accountable. The power of constitutional review is a crucial element for exercising horizontal accountability. Courts across Africa are vested with the power of constitutional review, and, generally speaking, their independence has substantially increased since the beginning of the 1990s—although African courts enjoy overall less independence than the global average for courts’ independence. Within the African region, the level of judicial independence varies widely, between contexts that rarely allow judicial independence and contexts where courts have more power to challenge the government. Furthermore, across the continent, African courts experience undue interference—which frequently takes place informally. Informal interference can occur through the biased appointments of judges, verbal and physical threats, violent attacks, the payment of bribes, or the ouster of sitting judges. Informal networks—held together by ties based on shared educational trajectories, common leisure activities, religion, kinship relations, or political affiliations—are the channels through which such pressure can be transmitted. Yet judges also can actively build informal networks: namely, with the legal community, civil society, and international donors, so as to insulate themselves against undue interference and to increase institutional legitimacy. Research has shown that the agency of judges and courts in signaling impartial decision-making, as well as in reaching out to society, is crucial to constructing legitimacy in the African context. In contrast, the explanatory power of electoral competition as an incentive for power holders to support judicial independence is not straightforward in the context of Africa’s political regimes, where the prospect of losing office is associated with financial, and in some cases even physical, insecurity. However, research on judicial politics in Africa is still only preliminary, because the field requires more comparative studies in order to fully reveal the political repercussions on Africa’s judiciaries as well as to delineate the scope conditions of the prominent theories explaining judicial independence.

scholarly journals Political Trust and Values of Loyal and Oppositional Youth in the Exclave Region of Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-583
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Shchekoturov
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Theory Of Value ◽  
The Government ◽  
Kaliningrad Region ◽  
Materialistic Values

The study determines the level of trust in public and political institutions among the loyal and oppositional youth of the Kaliningrad region, as well as their attitudes towards materialistic and post-materialistic values. The study is based on R. Ingleharts theory of value and the understanding of trust as described in the works of P. Sztompka and A. Giddens. The author relies on an online survey conducted among young people aged between 18 and 35 (n = 987). As a result of the study, the author defines three groups of institutions, depending on the degree of trust in them. The study confirms the hypothesis that young people loyal to the government demonstrate greater trust in traditional and state institutions. It also reveals that, in general, young people put post-materialistic values in the first place, while materialistic values are more characteristic of the youth loyal to the government. The author concludes that the level of the political trust towards a certain institution among loyal and oppositional youth differs depending on the possibility of influencing the institution. The trust of loyal youth is based on the importance of social status, and the trust of oppositional youth is based on the freedom of expression.

scholarly journals China Factor in Tajikistan: Prospects and Threats

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-125
Author(s):  
A. Titarenko
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Stability ◽  
Single Source ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Economic Independence ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Lately China has achieved impressive results in the utilization of logistical and natural resources of Tajikistan. The influence of Chinese “soft power” is also growing in the republic. The security cooperation has become a new important sphere of bilateral ties. Beijing has become an almost single source of financial and other resources for the leadership of Tajikistan trying to use it for social and internal stability purposes. As a result an economic, mainly debt, dependence of Dushanbe on China is growing. However the government of RT continues to follow the same course which may lead to the loss of the economic independence and even of the political one.

Features of the formation of political trust in Ukraine: the macrolevel of political relations

2017 ◽  
pp. 372-383
Author(s):  
Alina Todoriko
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Adoption And Implementation ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Significant Deficit

The article defines the features of the formation of political trust in Ukraine at the macrolevel of political relations. It is established that the formation of political trust at the macrolevel of political relations in Ukraine is reflected in the attitude of citizens toward democracy as a new format of the political system, the main mechanisms of its formation and the functioning of political institutions that ensure the process of transformation and dynamic renewal of the political system. It is substantiated that the essential aspect that characterizes the political trust of the macrolevel in modern Ukrainian society is the weakness of the connections of a significant number of citizens with political parties as a traditional institution of aggregation of interests and is reflected in the limited understanding of the essence of the multi-party system and its need for political development of Ukraine. It is proved that the existing indicators of confidence in the institutions of power in Ukraine, actualize the question of its optimal boundaries. As practice shows, both the lack of trust and the surplus of trust are barriers to strengthening the democratic foundations of the political system and political process. A significant deficit of confidence limits the power and reduces the activity of citizens, hinders the development of integration processes in society, inhibits the adoption and implementation of constructive reforms. Excessive trust in institutions of power and political institutions, creating uncontrolled and permissive behavior, can not lead to anything else, as to the arbitrariness of power, which is the first step towards the restoration or strengthening of authoritarianism. Therefore, in order for political confidence to contribute to the development of democratic processes, its level should not approach either the lowest or the highest possible values. Keywords: Political trust, macro level of politics, Ukraine, political institutions, democracy, democratization

: The Analysis of British Political Institutions

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Marshall
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Public Inquiry ◽  
Comparative Government ◽  
The Government

The analysis of British political institutions in the twentieth century has not emerged solely from the writing of textbooks by political scientists. The genesis of general thinking about the government of the United Kingdom is to a lesser degree the product of professional reflection than is the development of theories about comparative government. It evolves more directly from the political process itself and from the controversies about government that government itself generates. This chapter discusses the powers of Parliament, the nature of cabinet government, the accountability of ministers, the dignified institutions, the re-modelling of Dicey’s institution, political institutions and public inquiry, and theory and analysis in political institutions.

A Tale about Poland – Introduction to the Situation in Poland

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-606
Author(s):  
Peter Oliver Loew
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Cultural Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
The Eu

This article provides an in-depth insight into the “Polish peculiarities” that substantially continue to affect the current situation in the country - a country where the rule of law is in danger, where politics and society are dramatically divided, and where images of existent or invented enemies seem to dominate the political and cultural discourse. The article concludes that many questions remain open regarding the respect for the rule of law. The “tale of Poland” is not yet finished: there are several possible scenarios for Poland, ranging from progressing radicalization, to maneuvering of the government in order to satisfy the EU as well as the domestic national-Catholics, to the destruction of the government camp and the return of a majority of the electorate towards pro-European, liberal politics.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Salt Imports in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Beltahmamero Simamora ◽  
Marlina Deliana ◽  
Syafruddin Ritonga
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Chemical Industry ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Industrial Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
Industrial Needs

The use of salt is wide, including in the chemical industry, various foods and beverages, pharmaceuticals and cosmetics. The decision to import salt is aimed at protecting the sustainability of production in the national industrial sector. Government Regulation Number 9 of 2018 was issued without involving the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP). The PP for Salt Imports removes the authority of the KKP in providing recommendations for importing industrial salt. The salt import made by the government has received legitimacy from the Ministry of Industry because it is seen as being able to increase investment and welfare for the community. However, the import of salt do not have to get recommendations from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries are a blunder for the government. Because it is very contrary to the constitution. The concepts presented by Thomas Oatley, namely interests, political institutions and Helen V. Milner, namely Interest, Institutions, and Information, are used to analyze salt import policies. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document