Making the Best of It

2019 ◽  
pp. 129-152
Author(s):  
Sean J. McLaughlin

This chapter covers the period from the end of the Franco-American summit in June 1961 to the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. During this juncture the policy dispute over Vietnam was neither the biggest stumbling block in the Franco-American relationship nor one that had come out into the open, but it certainly was a festering source of mutual dissatisfaction. The White House, increasingly annoyed with French “obstructionism” and unable to see beyond a perception that de Gaulle harbored wartime grudges with the “Anglo-Saxons” and was reflexively anti-American, expected little from another presidential tete-à-tete and constantly rebuffed French efforts to restore some civility. Voices in the American bureaucracy moderately sympathetic to French aims were either removed or marginalized and the American embassy in Saigon emerged as a particularly hostile voice against French policy in Vietnam. The hardening of American policy toward France grew to the point that Kennedy privately admitted in mid-1962 that he had completely given up on finding any common ground with de Gaulle. Distrustful of French motives, the administration dismissed evidence of growing French influence on both sides of the 17th parallel and signs that de Gaulle actually had the high-level connections necessary to begin negotiating a solution to the war.

In this article, the main approaches concerning the problem of leadership traits formation as studied in both national and foreign literature are viewed. There are given results of research on leadership traits in students at technical specialties and humanities in the course of their training at a higher education institution in their connection with emotive intellect. The peculiarities of leadership traits in the tested groups with different level of emotive intellect, as well as a connection between leadership traits and emotive intellect are determined. The highest indicators according to the results of the research are demonstrated by a group of students of technical specialties with a high level of emotional intelligence, which indicates the ability to manage their emotions and behavior, the ability to solve problems. They demonstrate a high level of organizational skills, ability to work with a group. Their actions are aimed at achieving goals. The lowest rates according to the results of the study were found in a group of students of humanities with a low level of emotional intelligence. In difficult situations, it is difficult for them to find a way out. They do not know how to control the work of their comrades, to find common ground with people. The relationship between emotional intelligence and leadership skills in students of technical and humanities has been studied. A group of technical students with a high level of emotional intelligence found positive correlations between emotional intelligence and all scales of leadership qualities. There are no correlations between emotional intelligence and leadership qualities in the group of humanities students with a low level of emotional intelligence. In other groups of students, certain correlations have been established between emotional intelligence and leadership qualities.


Author(s):  
Christopher Potts

This chapter reviews core empirical phenomena and technical concepts from linguistic pragmatics, including context dependence, common ground, indexicality, conversational implicature, presupposition, and speech acts. It seeks to identify unifying themes among these concepts, provide a high-level guide to the primary literature, and relate the phenomena to issues in computational linguistics.


2019 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Ruben Arnandis-i-Agramunt

Tras más de cincuenta años estudiando el desplazamiento de las personas con fines de ocio, argumentando por ello el desarrollo de equipamientos, infraestructuras e instalaciones, implementando políticas y planificaciones turísticas, evaluando programas y actuaciones, todavía la materia prima de la actividad turística, la que justifica la existencia de todos los elementos anteriores, sigue sin tener un espacio consensuado entre la academia. Esta investigación, tras una amplia revisión bibliográfica que evidencia esta situación descrita, implementa un Delphi entre veinticinco personas de la academia hispana cuyas investigaciones están directamente asociadas al tema de estudio. El objeto no era otro que encontrar los puntos de confluencia en torno al concepto de recurso y su relación con el turismo para, posteriormente, articular una propuesta que identifique los elementos básicos de todo recurso turístico. Los resultados obtenidos, tras dos rondas y un cuestionario de treinta y cuatro afirmaciones encontradas en la literatura valoradas con una escala Likert de 1 a 5, muestran un alto grado de acuerdo (hacia el consenso o el disenso), en la mayoría de aspectos evaluados en las tres dimensiones. Estos hallazgos aportan luz a algunos temas de debate. Sin embargo, también se manifiestan ciertas discrepancias, sobre todo alrededor de la tercera dimensión (la relación recurso–adaptación al uso turístico). Es, pues, una primera aproximación a la conceptualización de recurso turístico. After more than fifty years of looking into people's movement due to leisure purposes, and therefore arguing the development of equipment, infrastructures, and facilities, implementing policies and tourism planning, evaluating programs and actions, the raw material of tourism, which justifies the existence of the previous elements, has not still reached an agreement among researchers. This investigation, which demonstrates the previous evidence after a wide bibliographical review, set up a Delphi among twenty-five Hispanic researchers whose works are directly related to this matter. The aim was to seek areas of common ground, regarding the concept of resource and its relationship to tourism, in order to articulate a proposal to identify the key elements of a tourism resource. Results (after two rounds, a questionnaire with thirty-four statements found in literature, and a Likert 1–5 scale) have revealed a high level of agreement (towards consensus or dissent), in most assessed aspects of the three dimensions. These findings shed light on some points of discussion. Nevertheless, discrepancies about the third dimension (resource and adaptation to tourism purpose) have been observed. This is thus a first approximation of what tourism resource should be considered.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 736-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik P. Duhaime ◽  
Evan P. Apfelbaum

Scholars, politicians, and laypeople alike bemoan the high level of political polarization in the United States, but little is known about how to bring the views of liberals and conservatives closer together. Previous research finds that providing people with information regarding a contentious issue is ineffective for reducing polarization because people process such information in a biased manner. Here, we show that information can reduce political polarization below baseline levels and also that its capacity to do so is sensitive to contextual factors that make one’s relevant preferences salient. Specifically, in a nationally representative sample (Study 1) and a preregistered replication (Study 2), we find that providing a taxpayer receipt—an impartial, objective breakdown of how one’s taxes are spent that is published annually by the White House—reduces polarization regarding taxes, but not when participants are also asked to indicate how they would prefer their taxes be spent.


Significance Corporate tax may be one area where it could be possible to find some common ground between the otherwise gridlocked Republican Congress and the Democratic White House. President Barack Obama has proposed a one-time repatriation tax on cash held overseas by companies to be followed by a full-spectrum tax code overhaul. Impacts Lobbyists may support a repatriation amnesty, but will obstruct any initiative that raises effective tax rates. European Commission independence from member states may see the EU lead on corporate tax investigations. Australia will move slowly on corporate tax reform if the coalition government remains distracted by leadership disputes.


Subject The US indictment of Russian intelligence officers. Significance The latest indictment to come out of the investigation led by Special Counsel Robert Mueller is the most striking yet as it targets Russian state actors for the first time. It sets out charges of hacking into Democratic Party networks, stealing more than 50,000 documents and using them for disruptive purposes in the 2016 US presidential election. Despite the considerable level of detail in the evidence offered, the White House has yet to address publicly the issues raised or confronting Russia. Impacts US government, election software providers, parties and social media platforms will face pressure to prepare for the midterm elections. Detailed attribution of cyber interference will likely weaken the notion that perpetrators enjoy a high level of plausible deniability. Hackers will continue to employ 'spearphishing' for its simplicity, success rate and cost-effectiveness.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Vanderlaan

The Reagan administration is sending mixed messages on its policy in Central America, leading some observers to label the policy “schizoid” and influencing yet others to give the president the benefit of the doubt until policy implications become clearer or unavoidable. Commenting in July on White House policy as it has been iterated in the first half of 1983, Senator Christopher Dodd (1983), a leading administration critic, asserted that “there is total confusion in Washington as to what the administration's policies are, and there is a total confusion in Central America as to what U.S. intentions are.” Similar charges have been made from both sides of the aisle in Congress.Almost sadly, these charges are not part of an opposition's political ploy, but in fact are rooted in speeches, position papers, and actions formulated by the president and his Central America policy team.


Author(s):  
Regina G. Lawrence

“Indexing” is a theory of news content and press-state relations first formulated as the “indexing hypothesis.” At its core, the indexing hypothesis predicts that news content on political and public policy issues will generally follow the parameters of elite debate: when political elites (such as the White House and congressional leaders) are in general agreement on an issue, news coverage of that issue will tend to reflect that consensus; when political elites disagree, news coverage will fall more or less within the contours of their disagreement. Put differently, those issues and views that are subject to high-level political debate are most likely to receive news attention that is wide-ranging; issues not subject to debate receive less critical attention. Indexing theory thus attempts to predict the nature of the content of news about political and policy topics. This notion of “indexing” may not be intuitively obvious at first glance, but it can be understood in terms akin to how economists use the term—as a single number calculated from an array of numbers. Thus, just as a price index tracks variation in prices for various goods and services over time, indexing theory predicts that as the degree of conflict among officials over some political or policy topic grows, so too does the degree of conflicting views found in news coverage of that topic. Conversely, at times when officials are not debating the topic, the range of views included in the news will be correspondingly smaller. Views not voiced within current elite debate will thus tend to be marginalized in news as well, particularly in times of elite consensus, yet topics treated to little critical news coverage in one time period may be treated to more expansive and critical coverage in others. According to Bennett’s foundational article, the indexing hypothesis “applies most centrally to how the range of . . . legitimate, or otherwise ‘credible’ news sources is established by journalists” (p. 107). Indexing thus offers not only an empirical theory of how daily news is constructed but also a normative framework for analyzing press performance in democracy. When the democratic process is functioning well, news that is indexed to elite debate probably offers a reasonably good representation of public opinion. But when elites do not act in good faith or when political pressures hamper elite debate, a press that merely indexes that debate may not be operating in ways that support a healthy democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Kasper Grotle Rasmussen

This article examines the rather poor emotional relationship between the White House and the State Department during 1961, the first year of the presidency of John F. Kennedy. The article argues that both sides had expectations of the relationship that turned into disappointments and that both sides felt that their approach and work was superior to the other. During the Berlin Crisis, this clash of emotions gained political significance concerning the case of the American response to a Soviet formal diplomatic note (an aide-mémoire) following the June 1961 Vienna Summit between Kennedy and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. The White House and the State Department had different priorities and because of the poor emotional relationship they failed to find common ground. The end result was that the State Department won the battle by having its preferred version of the response sent to the Soviets. But the Department lost the war, because the White House used the opportunity to take control of Berlin policy at the expense of the State Department.


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