scholarly journals Lord Acton’s “Organic” Liberalism and His Best Practical Regime

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Chris Lazarski ◽  

This article focuses on a forgotten evolutionary trend of liberalism clearly visible in Lord Acton’s writing. According to him, liberalism has roots not only in the theories of early modern thinkers but also in political practice, as seen in English and American political regimes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The first—doctrinaire liberalism—aims at changing the political order by appealing to higher principles and resorts to social engineering and coercion. The second rests on the organic growth of existing political institutions, laws and customs. Acton claims that only the latter is truly liberal, while the former is in fact illiberal.

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-84
Author(s):  
Lhamsuren Munkh-Erdene

Analyzing the messages and the responses that Chinggis Khan sent to and received from Ong Khan and his allies after his defeat at the hands of the latter at the battle of Qalaqaljit Elet in the spring of 1203, and explicating the terms of cimar (chimar) and törü that appear in the messages, this article looks at the political order and culture where the Chinggisid state rose. The article argues that pre-modern Mongolian and Inner Asian politics was guided by the idea of törü, which resembles the Indo-Buddhist idea of dharma, the Chinese idea of dao, and the European idea of natural law. It also argues that the hereditary divisional system that the Inner Asian state builders regularly employed to govern their nomadic populations, the institutions of dynastic succession, and the hereditary rights of princes and the nobility for inheritance fundamentally structured Inner Asian politics. Hence, it questions the conventional wisdom that depicts pre-modern Inner Asian politics not only as pragmatic, fluid, and fractious but also dependent on the personal charisma of leadership, and the personal bond and loyalty between leaders and followers, as if it were lacking enduring social, political institutions and order.


Author(s):  
Tongdong Bai

This chapter argues that early Confucians were revolutionaries with a conservative facade. According to this “progressive” reading, they tried to solve issues of modernity not by rejecting modernity but by embracing it, although some of their locutions seem to resonate with those widely used in the “good old days,” and they were not as resolute as thinkers from some other schools. Moreover, not accepting early Confucianism as a moral metaphysics, the chapter also rejects the reading that early Confucians tried to solve political issues by improving on people’s morals alone. Rather, the premise of its reading is that they apprehended the political concerns as primary and the ethical ones as secondary, a byproduct of their political concerns. They were concerned with reconstructing a political order and were thus open to the idea of institutional design, even though they themselves did not discuss it in detail. To take a continuous reading of early Confucianism by asking about which political institutions they would have in mind, especially in today’s political reality, would not be alien to Confucianism.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

There is now widespread agreement that many non-human animals are sentient, and that this fact has important moral and political implications. Indeed, most are in agreement that animal sentience ought to constrain the actions of political institutions, limiting the harms that can be perpetrated against animals. The primary aim of this book is to show that the political implications of animal sentience go even further than this. For this book argues that sentience establishes a moral equality and a shared set of rights amongst those creatures who possess it. Crucially, this worth and these rights create a duty on moral agents to establish and maintain a political order dedicated to their interests. This book is devoted to sketching what this ‘sentientist politics’ might look like. It argues in favour of a ‘sentientist cosmopolitan democracy’: a global political system made up of overlapping local, national, regional, and global communities comprised of human and non-human members who exist within shared ‘communities of fate’. Furthermore, the institutions of those communities should be democratic—that is to say, participative, deliberative, and representative. Finally, those institutions should include dedicated representatives of non-human animals whose job should be to translate the interests of animals into deliberations over what is in the public good for their communities.


10.1068/c0639 ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 374-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Jouve

We are facing a transformation of the political order in which cities are becoming more and more important, partly in the field of economic development but also regarding security questions, specifically after 9 September 2001, such as cultural diversity, social cohesion, and sustainable development. The institutional conditions of governability have evolved during the last two decades. Cities develop strategies at the global level and promote different kinds of collective value. In this paper we aim to analyse these international strategies, their elaboration, and their implementation by using a comparison of Montreal, Paris, and Rome. The various strategies are analyzed as the outcome of dominant political coalitions between the political institutions and very specific segments of civil society.


1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 51-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Przeworski ◽  
Fernando Limongi

Does democracy in the political realm foster or hinder economic growth? Our discussion of this question begins with a review of arguments in favor of, and against, democracy. Then we summarize statistical studies in which political regime is included among determinants of growth and identify some methodological problems entailed in such studies. The conclusion is that social scientists know surprisingly little: our guess is that political institutions do matter for growth, but thinking in terms of regimes does not seem to capture the relevant differences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torrey Shanks

This essay considers self-ownership as a rhetorical and political practice. Scholarly attention to the rhetoric of self-ownership, notably in feminist theory, often rejects the term for its capacity to distort and fragment notions of the self, the body, social relations, and labor. The ambiguous character of self-ownership, in this view, carries the risk of subversion of more inclusive and relational uses. Adopting a broader notion of rhetoric as creative and effective speech, I recast self-ownership from this critical depiction through a revised understanding of C. B. Macpherson’s possessive individualism and then to the texts of John Locke, the Levellers, and the Putney Debates. These early-modern exemplars offer insights into the political promises and risks of the rhetoric of self-ownership that contemporary critics obscure. The ambiguity and plurality too often rendered as a liability for self-ownership instead offer conditions for its agonistic invocation for novel claims and emerging audiences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Celikates

This article argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexpected forms of civil disobedience manage to politicize symbolic and institutional structures that are usually taken for granted or naturalized and thereby removed from politicization, such as borders and citizenship. In this way, they exemplify not only the defensive/reactive but also the constituent/transformative force of disobedience.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


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