scholarly journals THE RISE OF THE CHINGGISID DYNASTY: PRE-MODERN EURASIAN POLITICAL ORDER AND CULTURE AT A GLANCE

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-84
Author(s):  
Lhamsuren Munkh-Erdene

Analyzing the messages and the responses that Chinggis Khan sent to and received from Ong Khan and his allies after his defeat at the hands of the latter at the battle of Qalaqaljit Elet in the spring of 1203, and explicating the terms of cimar (chimar) and törü that appear in the messages, this article looks at the political order and culture where the Chinggisid state rose. The article argues that pre-modern Mongolian and Inner Asian politics was guided by the idea of törü, which resembles the Indo-Buddhist idea of dharma, the Chinese idea of dao, and the European idea of natural law. It also argues that the hereditary divisional system that the Inner Asian state builders regularly employed to govern their nomadic populations, the institutions of dynastic succession, and the hereditary rights of princes and the nobility for inheritance fundamentally structured Inner Asian politics. Hence, it questions the conventional wisdom that depicts pre-modern Inner Asian politics not only as pragmatic, fluid, and fractious but also dependent on the personal charisma of leadership, and the personal bond and loyalty between leaders and followers, as if it were lacking enduring social, political institutions and order.

Author(s):  
Octavio Amorim Neto ◽  
Igor P. Acácio

Contra the conventional wisdom that term limits are meaningless in dictatorships, Brazil’s military regime developed term-limits for its chief executives and managed a durable political order. This chapter argue that term limits moderated intra-elite conflicts, thus contributing to regime stability. Term limits were key to reconcile two warring factions within the armed forces. The authors see term limits as a credible-commitment mechanism. Three elements are jointly sufficient to explain the adoption of term limits: (1) the armed forces’ decision in 1964 to part ways with the decades-old pattern of episodic, short political interventions and stay in office for the long haul; (2) a legalist tradition that led the new regime to keep a façade of constitutionalism through a myriad of political institutions; and (3) the ideological and political cleavages within the armed forces. We corroborate our arguments using a new dataset of tension events between the military and the government in 1946–85.


Author(s):  
Tongdong Bai

This chapter argues that early Confucians were revolutionaries with a conservative facade. According to this “progressive” reading, they tried to solve issues of modernity not by rejecting modernity but by embracing it, although some of their locutions seem to resonate with those widely used in the “good old days,” and they were not as resolute as thinkers from some other schools. Moreover, not accepting early Confucianism as a moral metaphysics, the chapter also rejects the reading that early Confucians tried to solve political issues by improving on people’s morals alone. Rather, the premise of its reading is that they apprehended the political concerns as primary and the ethical ones as secondary, a byproduct of their political concerns. They were concerned with reconstructing a political order and were thus open to the idea of institutional design, even though they themselves did not discuss it in detail. To take a continuous reading of early Confucianism by asking about which political institutions they would have in mind, especially in today’s political reality, would not be alien to Confucianism.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

There is now widespread agreement that many non-human animals are sentient, and that this fact has important moral and political implications. Indeed, most are in agreement that animal sentience ought to constrain the actions of political institutions, limiting the harms that can be perpetrated against animals. The primary aim of this book is to show that the political implications of animal sentience go even further than this. For this book argues that sentience establishes a moral equality and a shared set of rights amongst those creatures who possess it. Crucially, this worth and these rights create a duty on moral agents to establish and maintain a political order dedicated to their interests. This book is devoted to sketching what this ‘sentientist politics’ might look like. It argues in favour of a ‘sentientist cosmopolitan democracy’: a global political system made up of overlapping local, national, regional, and global communities comprised of human and non-human members who exist within shared ‘communities of fate’. Furthermore, the institutions of those communities should be democratic—that is to say, participative, deliberative, and representative. Finally, those institutions should include dedicated representatives of non-human animals whose job should be to translate the interests of animals into deliberations over what is in the public good for their communities.


Etyka ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Maria Borucka-Arctowa

The conception of human nature still retains its previous fascination. The reason is, as the representatives of the doctrine of natural law are convinced, that it may perhaps be used as a criterion of appraising the law and the political institutions.


10.1068/c0639 ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 374-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Jouve

We are facing a transformation of the political order in which cities are becoming more and more important, partly in the field of economic development but also regarding security questions, specifically after 9 September 2001, such as cultural diversity, social cohesion, and sustainable development. The institutional conditions of governability have evolved during the last two decades. Cities develop strategies at the global level and promote different kinds of collective value. In this paper we aim to analyse these international strategies, their elaboration, and their implementation by using a comparison of Montreal, Paris, and Rome. The various strategies are analyzed as the outcome of dominant political coalitions between the political institutions and very specific segments of civil society.


Author(s):  
Robert Wokler ◽  
Christopher Brooke

This chapter analyzes Rousseau's conception of the political dimension of liberty in the light of a particular debate which has formed the most important contribution to the study of Rousseau's political thought in the twentieth century. This debate has to do with the place of natural law in Rousseau's philosophy, and with the extent to which, in his idea of the foundations of the state, he upheld or rejected principles of jurisprudence espoused by earlier thinkers. It considers such principles in three rather different forms, which are termed superior, anterior, and generative natural law. It also comments on Rousseau's idea of representation in the light of arguments drawn from a number of jurisprudential thinkers before him. In the course of the discussion, the chapter aims to offer a new interpretation of Rousseau's assessment of Pufendorf, whom Rousseau came to confront in his writings as much as, if not more than, any other political thinker.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Chris Lazarski ◽  

This article focuses on a forgotten evolutionary trend of liberalism clearly visible in Lord Acton’s writing. According to him, liberalism has roots not only in the theories of early modern thinkers but also in political practice, as seen in English and American political regimes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The first—doctrinaire liberalism—aims at changing the political order by appealing to higher principles and resorts to social engineering and coercion. The second rests on the organic growth of existing political institutions, laws and customs. Acton claims that only the latter is truly liberal, while the former is in fact illiberal.


Author(s):  
Phillip Knee

The thought of Montaigne and Pascal on political order holds considerable interest for current debates over theories of justice and the deconstruction of justice. This particularly holds true when the focus shifts toward the experience of the political, toward a phenomenology of the political order in which appearance is the central category. The Essais and the Pensées offer two strategies for educating readers with respect to appearance qua essence of the political order. In both, political order is demystified through a well-known critique of natural law. Order is then rehabilitated in the name of true justice. This paper attempts to define and contrast the moral and religious significance of this rehabilitation in the philosophies of Montaigne and Pascal.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ирина Юдина ◽  
Irina Yudina

This work is an attempt to explain the political roots from which banking systems have evolved in different countries and how they have evolved at different times. For this purpose, materials and analysis tools from three different disciplines were used: economic history, political science and Economics. The main idea that is set out in this paper is the statement that the strength and weakness of the banking system is a consequence of the Great political game and that the rules of this game are written by the main political institutions.


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


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