From adversaries to partners?: Chinese and Russian military cooperation after the Cold War

2004 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 41-6185-41-6185
Author(s):  
Sir Richard Dearlove

This article discusses the changing perceptions on national security and civic anxiety. During the Cold War and its aftermath, security was rather a simple and straightforward issue. The countries knew their enemies, where they are and the threats they presented. On the event that, the enemies's secrets were unknown, probing techniques were employed to determine the weaknesses of the enemy. This formulaic situation which seeped through in to the twenty-first century left little room for innovation. In fact, in some countries, security maintained at the Cold War levels despite criticisms that new and emerging national security threats should be addressed at a new level. Of the powerful nations, America maintained the role of a world policeman and adapted its national security priorities according to its perception of a new series of strategic threats; however these new security strategies were without a sense of urgency. However, the perception of global threats and national security radically changed in the event of the 9/11 attack. The sleeping national security priorities of America came to a full force which affected the national security priorities of other nations as well. In the twenty-first globalized world, no conflict remains a regional clash. The reverberations of the Russian military action in Georgia, the Israeli intervention in Gaza, and the results of the attacks in Mumbai resonates loudly and rapidly through the wider international security system. While today, nations continue to seek new methods for addressing new security threats, the paradox of the national security policy is that nation-states have lost their exclusive grip of their own security at a time when the private citizens are assailed by increased fears for their own security and demand a more enhanced safety from the state. Nation-states have been much safer from large-scale violence, however there exists a strong sense of anxiety about the lack of security in the face of multiplicity of threats. Nations have been largely dependent on international coordinated action to achieve their important national security objectives. National policies and security theory lack precision. In addition, the internationalization of national security has eroded the distinction between domestic and foreign security. These blurring lines suggest that the understanding of national security is still at the height of transformations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Rob de Wijk

Abstract: The new Russian military doctrine from 2010, the growing international assertiveness of Russia, and eventually the annexation of the Crimea Peninsula in 2014 have forced the West to rethink deterrence strategies vis a vis Russia. Consequently, the old Cold War concept of deterrence was dusted off and the debate picked up from where it had ended in 1990. This article summarizes the end of the Cold War thinking on deterring aggression against NATO-Europe. It explains why the present Western theoretical foundation of deterrence, which still focuses on strong conventional forces backed up by nuclear weapons, no longer suffices, and argues that the new Russian concept of strategic deterrence requires a complete overhaul of the Western approach. It is not only the security of the Baltic member states of NATO or of transatlantic cables that matter, Europe has to cope with desinformation and destabilization campaigns and has to rethink its energy security strategy. Only together can NATO and EU master these challenges.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Michał Romańczuk

The collapse of the Cold War order led to a change in the geopolitical environment of the Russian Federation. The declarations of independence of the former Soviet republics and the emergence of the post-Soviet area had weakened the country’s position. As a result, the Russian Federation has been perceiving this new area as a zone of its ‘vital interests’, and attaining and maintaining dominant position in those territories has been considered crucial for the state’s security, its strength and position on the international arena. Russia has been pursuing its goals in the area through numerous reintegration attempts on political, military and economic levels. To achieve the main political goal, which is the control over the post-Soviet area, the Russian Federation has been also using military instruments. The focal point and purpose of this article is to show the internal and external causes of military intervention of the Russian Federation in eastern Ukraine.


Author(s):  
Dionysios Chourchoulis

This chapter examines the development of the defence policies of Greece, Cyprus, and Albania. Worried about Turkey’s pressure and perceived revisionist goals mainly in the Aegean Sea, Greece has maintained powerful armed forces since the end of the cold war. Greek–Turkish tension has been eased, while Greece has reorganized the Hellenic Armed Forces and contributes a NATO Rapid Deployable Corps (the NRDC-GR), but it has significantly reduced its military budget. Along with Cyprus, which always seeks to hold a minimal balance of forces in the divided island, it faces additional challenges emanating from endemic instability in the wider region. A recent development of great significance was the establishment of a Greek–Cypriot–Israeli political and military cooperation. As for Albania, during the 1990s its small military apparatus virtually collapsed, but since the early 2000s the country has eventually opted for NATO membership (officially joining the alliance in 2009), and the Albanian Armed Forces has launched an ambitious modernization programme.


Author(s):  
Constantine P. Danopoulos ◽  
Anna S. Bukharova ◽  
Vagan M. Gevorgian ◽  
Sergei A. Baburkin

Author(s):  
A. A. Baykov

The paper analyzes the impact of geography and security threats on the dynamics and forms of integration cooperation in the area of East Asia. In particular, it is concluded that both the institutional features of the integration in Asia Pacific, and approaches in the field of cooperation between local states have been largely predetermined by the system of military cooperation and military-political agreements, which were formed during the "cold war".


Author(s):  
R. Faramazyan

The author considers in details the military economics during the Cold war, after its completion at the turn of XX and XXI centuries and at the present stage in the context of globalization. Particular attention is paid to the situation of military build-up in Russia at that time. The advantages and disadvantages of the Russian military economy are analyzed.


Author(s):  
Jens Boysen

This chapter assesses the relationship between East Germany and Poland during the last phase of the Cold War. It explains how the historical legacy of German–Polish relations infused the relationship of both countries with mistrust, despite the officially proclaimed brotherhood of a “socialist community” mandated from Moscow. Personal enmity between communist leaders Walter Ulbricht and Władysław Gomułka, conceptual differences of notions of statehood, and rivaling foreign policy goals and ideas about tolerance for domestic opposition since the end of the 1970s only exacerbated these tensions, which not even successful military cooperation under the Warsaw Pact umbrella was able to alleviate. Held together by their relationship to the Soviet hegemon, the officially required “trust” between the two countries fully disintegrated in the second half of the 1980s.


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