scholarly journals Apuntes sobre el ceremonial de nombramiento de Franco como jefe del estado Notes on the ceremonial Franco appointment as head of state

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Miguel Pino Abad

Desde que se produjo el Alzamiento militar el 18 de julio de 1936 y hasta que transcurrieron varias semanas, los generales que lo apoyaron no tenían claro si lo más recomendable era instaurar o no la unificación del mando militar, como forma de conseguir una mejor estrategia en la victoria de la guerra civil recién comenzada. Fue el 21 de septiembre cuando se adoptó la decisión de encomendar la jefatura del Ejército a un solo general, Francisco Franco, quien se convirtió en “generalísimo de las fuerzas nacionales de tierra, mar y aire y general jefe de los ejércitos de operaciones”. A partir de ese instante, quedaba por concretar las atribuciones que llevaría anexas el cargo de “generalísimo”. Tras diversas discusiones, Franco se hizo cargo de la Jefatura del Estado el 1 de octubre en la Capitanía General de Burgos, en una ceremonia en la que el presidente de la Junta de Defensa Nacional procedió a transmitirle los poderes. En la presente comunicación se trata de analizar los pormenores de tal ceremonia, las primeras palabras de Franco como flamante Jefe del Estado y la repercusión que todo ello tuvo en la prensa de la época. Since the military uprising occurred on July 18, 1936 and until several weeks passed, the generals who supported him were unclear if it was more advisable to establish whether or not the unification of the military command, as a way of getting a better strategy the victory of the civil war has just begun. It was on September 21 when the decision to entrust the leadership of the army to a single general, Francisco Franco, who became "generalissimo of the national forces of land, sea and air and commanding general of the armies of operations" was adopted. From that moment, it remained to realize the powers attached lead the charge of "generalissimo". After several discussions, Franco took over the presidency on 1 October in the Captaincy General of Burgos, in a ceremony in which the president of the National Defense Council proceeded to transmit the power. In this communication it is to analyze the details of this ceremony, the first words of Franco as head of state brand and the impact all this had on the press of the time. 

Author(s):  
Ryan W. Keating

This chapter traces Irish immigration to Connecticut and the formation of the Ninth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry. Despite nativist challenges in the decade before the Civil War, Irish immigrants nevertheless secured their place in many of Connecticut’s cities, playing important roles in the state’s growing industrial centers. When war broke out, Irish leaders in the state pushed for the organization of an Irish regiment and, in doing so, drew connections between the Connecticut Irish and the military prowess of regiments such as the 69th New York and the 23rd Illinois. The outspoken patriotism of Connecticut’s Irish as well as the national acclaim earned by these other regiments did little to curb lingering questions surrounding Irish loyalty. As the men of the Ninth Connecticut marched to war in the winter of 1862 they struggled to dispel accusations of disorderly conduct that appeared in the press and only through sacrifice on the battlefield were they finally able to earn acceptance at home.


Knygotyra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 277-305
Author(s):  
Arida Riaubienė

This article analyses the issues of collecting and storing illegal publications and those confiscated by censorship authorities in the Central State Bookshop. It describes the structure of the military and other general censorship institutions, which sent the prohibited press to the Central State Bookshop. The aim of the study is to establish the approximate date of commencement of the activities of the department that stored confiscated by censorship or illegally issued publications, and several lists of publications prohibited by censorship and transmitted by the CSB are discussed. It is worth noting that until the 1940s, libraries were also called bookshops. In 1936, after the promulgation of the Law on Public Libraries, the Central State Bookshop became the Central State Library, and its departments became state public libraries. Between 1919–1922, under the management of Eduardas Volteris, the collection and storage of illegal and censored publications at the Central State Bookshop became a matter of interest. The legal deposit was the key and constant source of acquisition of the collections of the Central State Bookshop. In 1919 and 1935, the press laws stipulated how many mandatory copies had to be delivered to county governors or simply to state institutions. However, illegal and confiscated publications were not included in the legal deposit. The main aim of the library was to collect and store all publications published in Lithuania and by Lithuanian publishers abroad. Therefore, it was important for the library to compile a complete set of the current press. To obtain prohibited titles, the library cooperated with the structural units of the Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of the Interior responsible for the supervision of the press. In various historical periods, unequal attention was paid to the compilation of censorship-restricted press in the Central State Bookshop. Until the 1930s, there was an intensive correspondence between war censors and the Press and Societies Division of the Department of Civil Protection about sending and collecting prohibited press in the Central State Bookstore. During c. 1920–1921, illegal and confiscated publications began to be collected in a separate office called the “secret division”. In the 1940s, censorship institutions sent lists of prohibited press of various volumes to the library. After reviewing the publications on these lists, no signs of censorship could be found. Records of censorship office provenances and censorship officers were found in individual publications that were not included in the lists of prohibited books. Although the publications confiscated by censorship authorities were stored in the library of the University of Lithuania, and in the library of Vytautas Magnus University since 1930, CSB was the only library in the interwar period in which special attention was paid to the issues of collecting prohibited press. Use of the prohibited press was restricted. These titles were not open to general public; only employees of ministries and members of the Seimas could read it. The prohibited press could serve scientific research and press statistics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
I Wayan Midhio ◽  
Ahwan Ismadi ◽  
Ate Ajat Waluyo

This study aims to analyze radicalism impact toward national defense. The method used is descriptive qualitative, data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, documentation, and literature. Processing of research data according Miles and Huberman. The results showed that implementation of the Territorial Development by District Military Command 0621 Bogor Regency through territorial management of Planning and Control Systems Development of Territories & Management of Territorial Development were able to map the potential and vulnerability of the area ie geography areas, demographic and social conditions so that development of radicalism could be prevented


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-524 ◽  

The ninth session of the Ministerial Council of the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) was held in Ankara, Turkey, April 27–28, 1961, under the chairmanship of Mr. Selim Sarper, Foreign Minister of Turkey. The session opened with a speech by General Gursel, the Turkish head of state, in which he said that the alliance had achieved successful results in the fields of security, economic development, and cultural activities. According to the press, there was a controversy as to the primary role of the alliance, with Mr. Hussein Ghods Nakhai, the Iranian Foreign Minister, referring to CENTO as an economic and defensive organization, in that order, while Mr. Manzoor Quadir, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan, emphasized the defense aspect of the organization by stating that CENTO had to concern itself with developing the military as well as the economic strength of the area. Mr. M. O. A. Baig, retiring Secretary-General of the organization, was said to have asserted in his report to the session that only the presence of the United States gave meaning and validity to any “free world” defense alliance, CENTO included, even though the United States was not a full member of the organization. United States Secretary of State Dean Rusk, in addressing the session, pledged the continued cooperation of his country for the mutual security of the area.


2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-246
Author(s):  
VJERAN PAVLAKOVIĆ

AbstractIn summer 1936 Vladko Maček's priorities lay with rebuilding the Croatian Peasant Party after its six years of illegality under King Aleksandar's dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Yet the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was to have a polarising and radicalising effect on Croatian society. Both communists and supporters of the fascist Ustaša movement looked to Spain as a model for resolving the ‘Croat question’ at a time when Croats were becoming increasingly frustrated with Maček's passivity. As a propaganda war raged in the press of the radical left and right, the Croatian Peasant Party tried to ignore the conflict. Maček's failure to realise the impact of the war in Spain on the political situation in Croatia is indicative of some of his weaknesses as a leader in difficult times. The Croatian Peasant Party missed the opportunity to take a strong moral stance against fascism during the Spanish conflict, and Maček's fence-sitting from the 1930s onwards permitted the more extreme ideological movements in Croatia to take advantage of the rapidly changing conditions of a Europe engulfed in war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Gresilda A. Tilley-Lubbs

When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion. Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship


Literator ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-96
Author(s):  
F. I.J. Van Rensburg

The period after World War II was characterised by regional wars in various parts of the world. During this time South Africa experienced its own regional war: the onslaught on the apartheid system, and the defence against it. Following a phase of internal strife of relatively low intensity, a hot war developed on both sides of the northern and eastern borders of the country with the Angolan war as the major flashpoint. The latter war exerted a marked influence on the local scene, where a civil war of low intensity developed. This article and its sequel record the ways in which Afrikaans poetry reacted to this many-faceted war. Facets highlighted are the way in which the military aspects of the war is portrayed, the manifestations of the struggle on the local scene, especially in the townships, the impact of the war on the spirit of the soldier and the civilian, and the moral stance adopted by poets towards the war. In conclusion, the characteristics of the war poem of this period are compared with those of the period preceding it. In this article the attention is focused on the war outside and within the borders of the country.


1976 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Greene

The sympathy of most English Catholics during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 lay with General Francisco Franco and the other generals who had rebelled against the Second Spanish Republic. If there was any doubt of this, the spate of literature which then appeared, much of it polemical, and the journalistic views presented could leave little doubt on the matter. The adoption of an anti-Republican stance in English Catholic circles, while not complete, nevertheless implied an adverse judgment upon the viability and legitimacy of the Republic, if not its legality, from 1936 onward. The Republic had failed in its primary obligation—to rule justly—and the military revolt had been necessary to forestall anarchy or communism. The judgment that the Republic had failed, however, was not an a priori one, nor was it enthusiastically reached so much as accepted.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 235-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Ciro Martínez ◽  
Brent Eng

This article assesses the impact of the Assad regime’s aerial bombardment campaign on a frequently neglected component of Syria’s ongoing civil war: rebel governance. While analysis of the military and humanitarian ramifications of such attacks has been extensive, these perspectives fail to consider how the Assad regime’s counter insurgency efforts subvert governance practices by Syria’s diverse rebel groups. Drawing on performative approaches to the ‘state’, we argue that opposition groups’ daily enactments of ‘stateness’ via two key welfare services – bread and healthcare provision – constitute a historically inflected and locally grounded critique of the incumbent. When executed successfully, such enactments can stabilize relations between rulers and ruled while offering a vision of an alternative polity. They can also attract the attention of rivals. The Assad regime’s aerial bombing campaign of rebel-held areas is thus neither a haphazard military strategy nor simply the product of long-standing sectarian hatreds, but a deliberate tactic through which it seeks to destroy a key threat to its authority.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-51
Author(s):  
Alin Teodor Huseraș ◽  
Andrei Ciprian Spînu

AbstractNational defense is one of the key sectors responsible for maintaining national security, being considered at the same time an element of great importance and strict necessity of the public sector. The performance of defense functions and missions are closely linked to the military capabilities of this sector, which in turn depend on the budget for defense spending. This paper deals with some theoretical issues in the economic field of defense, regarding the size of defense spending in GDP and their social effects. It is also trying to carry out an analysis on the efficiency versus inefficiency in the use of defense resources, to finance the two types of recruitment systems, namely: by conscription or voluntary will. In order to be able to achieve the above, graphical analysis methods and calculation dermination method were used. The efficiency of spending public funds depends on both objective factors such as: distribution of a certain share of GDP to a certain area; attracting internal and external funding, as well as subjective factors, like: allocating resources to certain categories of expenses; allocating resources to certain defense programs; effective management of these resources by the competent structures. Therefore, for a program to be considered effective, it must meet the requirements of the collective needs of society, be rationally implemented and be sustainable.


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