scholarly journals Populismo y sentido contemporáneo de lo político // Populism and modern meaning of Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (103) ◽  
pp. 229
Author(s):  
Pedro Rivas
Keyword(s):  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
Dead End ◽  
Modern Thought ◽  
Heterogeneous Nature ◽  
Alternative Methodology ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The One

Resumen:Nadie duda que los actuales fenómenos populistas han generado esperanza en unos y preocupación en otros. Incluso entre quienes genera esperanza parece necesario tomarse en serio la preocupación ajena. En este punto, el populismo actual supone negar un estado de cosas que parecía inconmovible. De ahí que valga la pena hacer un esfuerzo por comprenderlo. En este sentido, el propósito de este trabajo es doble. En primer lugar, vamos a afrontar el problema de la conceptualización del populismo. Para eso se sigue un doble acceso. Por un lado, se pretende mostrar la heterogeneidad de los populismos mediante una aproximación, a través de los estudios más canónicos, a sus principales manifestaciones históricas. Por otro lado, dicha heterogeneidad se manifiesta también en los intentos de caracterizarlo. A este respecto, la literatura académica es tan abundante y los rasgos que se le han dado son tan numerosos, que nos centraremos en algunos elementos fundamentales. En concreto, la cuestión de sus causas, su condición de fenómeno reactivo (o anti), la figura central del líder carismático populista y la comprensión del pueblo que subyace. Con esta doble vía de acceso al problema se pretende mostrar que el debate ha llegado a un callejón sin salida y se propone una manera operativa de evitarlo. Las dificultades de su conceptualización dan la medida del segundo propósito de estas líneas. Y es que como parece inasible, se hace más perentorio comprender bien cómo el populismo presente desafía las democracias liberales contemporáneas. Este reto ha sido analizado de nuevo de manera abundante. Tras mostrar algunos ejemplos de los distintos niveles de análisis posibles, se presenta uno propio que intenta llegar al fondo de la cuestión: el populismo es ante todo un síntoma de las dificultades de nuestra comprensión de lo político, de esa que forma parte de nuestro imaginario y que hunde sus raíces en el pensamiento moderno. Summary:1. The concept of populism. 1.1 An historical approach. 1.2. Some attempts of characterization. 1.3. The remains of the concept of populism. 2. Populism, democracy and liberalism. 2.1. Status quaestionis. 2.2. Populism and modern meaning of Politics. 3. Conclusion. Abstract:Nobody doubts that present populism has spurred sentiments of hope and concern. Even among those who react hopefully, it seems necessary to take others´ concern seriously. In effect, present populism shakes a state of affairs that once seemed unmodifiable. It is therefore worth trying to understand it.In this context, this work aims at a double purpose. In the first place, we will afford the problem of conceptualizing populism, through a two-fold strategy. On the one hand, we will approach the main historical instantiations of populism, in view of displaying its heterogeneous nature. On the other hand, this heterogeneity reveals itself in a variety of intents of conceptualization, which explains the convenience of focusing our own conceptualization on only some of its main features: its causes, its reactive nature, the charismatic leader, and the people underlying it. This two-fold strategy will allow us to prove that discussions concerning populism have reached a dead end, and we propose a way of surpassing it. The second purpose of this study is to understand the way in which populism threatens present liberal democracies. After discussing some of the available levels of analysis, we present an alternative methodology, intending to reach the core of the problem: populism is, above all, a sign of the problems of our own understanding of the realm of politics, that which is a part of our imaginary and takes root in modern thought.

scholarly journals Social cultural environment and public administration management based on the change of main social contradictions

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
Xiao Li ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Cultural Environment ◽  
State Control ◽  
The Core ◽  
Core Content ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Role Of The Government

The main contents of the ethical norms of public administration are the supremacy of public welfare, harmful inaction, and careful use of power, social responsibility, equal competition and enhancement of trust. Contradiction is a philosophical category reflecting the unity of opposites within and between things, and is the core content of materialist dialectics. The main social contradiction is the one that occupies the core position and dominates the society. Administration itself is not the ultimate goal, it is a series of communication channels to convey people's needs and wishes, and to ensure that these needs and wishes can be reflected and considered through state control. Similarly, these channels also play the role of the government in conveying policies and implementing tasks to the people. Therefore, if these channels are to make positive and significant contributions to people-centered development, the role of administration must adapt to the social-cultural environment and tradition.

scholarly journals Muslim Nationalism

1985 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Sharif al Mujahid
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
The People ◽  
Modern Thought ◽  
Great Poet ◽  
Poetic License ◽  
The One

Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) was a man of great many ideas-sublime and serene, dynamic and romatic, provocative and profound.He was both a great poet and a serious thinker; but in poetic works liesenshrined most of his thought. It seems rather platitudinous to say, but itis important to note, that a poet is essentially a man of moods, and enjoysa sort of poetic license which is scrupulously denied to a prose-writer.Since a poet usually gives utterance to his reactions to a given situation,his utterances and ideas need not always be compatible with one another.Such was the case with Iqbal.During his poetic career, spanning some four decades, Iqbal hadimbibed, approved, applauded and commended a great many ideas -ideas which occupied various positions along the spectrum on thephilosophic, social, and political plane. Thus, at one time or another, hecommended or denounced nationalism; propagated pan-Islamism andworld Muslim unity; criticised the West for its materialism, for its cutthroatcompetition and for its values while applauding the East for itsspiritualism and its concern for the soul; and condemned capitalismwhile preaching “a kind of vague socialism.”’ While, on the one hand, hesteadfastly stood for “the freedom of ijtihad with a view to rebuild thelaw of Shari’at in the light of modern thought and experience,” and evenattempted to reformulate the doctrines of Islam in the light of twentiethcentury requirements a la St. Augustine, he, on the other, also defendedthe orthodox position and the conservatism of Indian Islam on somecounts. Though “inescapably entangled in the net of Sufi thought," heyet considered popular mysticism or “the kind of mysticism whichblinked actualities, enervated the people and kept them steeped in allkinds of superstitions” as one of the primary causes of Muslim declineand downfall.It is to this aspect of Iqbal that Professor Hamilton A.R. Gibb wasreferring when he suggested: ...

‘Victim playing’ as a form of verbal aggression in the Czech parliament

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Berrocal
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Discourse Structure ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Linguistic Style ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
Discourse Strategies ◽  
The One

Abstract As the core of political discourse is the struggle for power and scarce resources, conflict seems to be an essential component of political action and interaction. In addition, conflicts in parliament are manifested in many different ways. They range from disputes during the plenary sessions to more personal attacks in the question time. This paper, however, examines an atypical display of parliamentary discourse, namely a speech by a social democratic MP David Rath, which regarded a vote on his extradition and was delivered on 5 June 2012. This speech obviously did not fulfil the primary function of the parliamentary sessions, i.e. legislating and decision-making. Here the MP was given the opportunity to present his own version of events and ask fellow MPs to maintain his parliamentary immunity. The analysis revealed two intertwining discourse strategies. On the one hand, the MP who is charged with several criminal acts presents himself as a victim of a conspiracy. In that, he aims to divert attention from the criminal case while calling for sympathy and providing self-justification. On the other hand, he uses his time to verbally complain about his arrest, the conditions in which he is held in custody, and the people he holds responsible for his current situation; he uses verbal attacks to undermine and disqualify a number of overt and covert enemies. The key aim of the analysis is to explore how victimhood is constructed in discourse, what discourse strategies are observable at the macro-level and how they are reflected in the discourse structure and in the linguistic style.

The Populist Challenge to Liberal Democracies

2020 ◽  
pp. 543-562
Author(s):  
Pippa Norris
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Core Concept ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Core ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People ◽  
Considerable Concern

The rise of authoritarian populism has aroused considerable concern for the potential consequences. To understand the consequences of these developments for political representation in liberal democracies, Section I outlines the core concept of populism, understood minimally as a rhetorical appeal to ‘the people’ against established sources of power, and the key differences between authoritarian and libertarian versions. Section II considers the challenge of populism for liberal-democratic regime institutions. Section III turns to the influence of populist parties on their signature issues on the public policy agenda, notably immigration and Europe. The conclusion in Section IV summarizes the main findings and considers their broader implications for political representation.

Inference, Indian theories of

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan S. Gillon
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Relation ◽  
Modus Tollens ◽  
Individual Substance ◽  
The Core ◽  
The World ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The One ◽  
Naive Realist ◽  
Realist Ontology ◽  
Rational Inquiry

The use of argument in rational inquiry in India reaches almost as far back in time as its oldest extant literature. Even in very early texts, one finds the deliberate use of modus tollens, for example, to refute positions thought to be false. In light of such practice, it is not surprising to discover that Indian thinkers came to identify certain forms of reasoning and to study them systematically. The study of inference in India is, as Karl Potter (1977) has emphasized, not the study of valid reasoning as reflected in linguistic or paralinguistic forms, but the study of the circumstances in which knowledge of some facts permits knowledge of another fact, and of when acceptance by one person of some state of affairs as a fact requires that that person accept another as a fact. Still, the form of inference which came to be systematically investigated in India can be given schematically (see below). At the core of the study of inference in India is the use of a naïve realist ontology. The world consists of individual substances or things (dravya), universals (sāmānya), and relations between them. The fundamental relation is the one of occurrence (vṛtti). The relata of this relation are known as substratum (dharmin) and superstratum (dharma) respectively. The relation has two forms: contact (saṃyoga) and inherence (samavāya). So, for example, one individual substance, say a pot, may occur on another, say the ground, by the relation of contact. In this case, the pot is the superstratum and the ground is the substratum. Or a universal, say brownness, may occur in an individual substance, say a pot, by the relation of inherence. Here, brownness, the superstratum, inheres in the pot, the substratum. The converse of the relation of occurrence is the relation of possession. Another important relation is the relation that one superstratum bears to another. This relation, known as pervasion (vyāpti), can be defined in terms of the occurrence relation. One superstratum pervades another just in case wherever the second occurs the first occurs. The converse of the pervasion relation is the concomitance relation. As a result of these relations, the world embodies a structure: if one superstratum H is concomitant with another superstratum S, and if a particular substratum p possesses the former superstratum, then it possesses the second. This structure is captured in this inferential schema: Pakṣa (thesis): p has S.Hetu (ground): p has H.Vyāpti (pervasion): Whatever has H has S. Here are two paradigmatic cases of such an inference: Pakṣa (thesis): p has fire.Hetu (ground): p has smoke.Vyāpti (pervasion): Whatever has smoke has fire. Pakṣa (thesis): p is a tree (that is, has tree-ness).Hetu (ground): p is an oak (that is, has oak-ness).Vyāpti (pervasion): Whatever is an oak (that is, has oak-ness) is a tree (that is, has tree-ness).

How they made us believe their truths: Monumental art in public spaces before and after the fall of communism (the case of Slovakia)

Human Affairs ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabína Jankovičová ◽  
Magda Petrjánošová
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Before And After ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The One

AbstractThis paper is concerned with monumental art in Slovakia before and after the fall of Communism in 1989. Generally, art in public spaces is important, because it influences the knowledge and feelings the people who use this space have about the past and the present, and thus influences the shared social construction of who we are as a social group. In this article we concentrate on the period of Communism and the formal and iconographic aspects that were essential to art at that time. We also look at the political use of art—the ways in which explicit and implicit meanings and ideas were communicated through art to the general public. We touch also on the present situation regarding the perception of “Communist art”. In the final section we discuss the state of affairs of the last twenty years of chaotic freedom in the post-socialist era. On the one hand, since there is no real cultural politics or conception for artworks in public spaces at the level of the state many artworks simply disappear, often without public discussion, and on the other hand, some actors use their political power to build monuments that promote their private political views.

The Salvage of Ideas: Schumpeter and the Core Problems Still Confronting Economics

2003 ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
P. Wynarczyk
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Core ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

Two aspects of Schumpeter' legacy are analyzed in the article. On the one hand, he can be viewed as the custodian of the neoclassical harvest supplementing to its stock of inherited knowledge. On the other hand, the innovative character of his works is emphasized that allows to consider him a proponent of hetherodoxy. It is stressed that Schumpeter's revolutionary challenge can lead to radical changes in modern economics.

The Hierophanic Facets of the Seraphic Hymns

Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Material World ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The People ◽  
Musical History ◽  
The Face ◽  
The One

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.

AFRICAN WOMEN AND FORBIDDEN GROUNDS: FEMALE SEXUALITY AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN AFRICAN LITERATURE

Imbizo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Oyeh O. Otu
Keyword(s):  
Female Sexuality ◽  
Sense Of Self ◽  
African Literature ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
African Women ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
Sexual Repression

This article examines how female conditioning and sexual repression affect the woman’s sense of self, womanhood, identity and her place in society. It argues that the woman’s body is at the core of the many sites of gender struggles/ politics. Accordingly, the woman’s body must be decolonised for her to attain true emancipation. On the one hand, this study identifies the grave consequences of sexual repression, how it robs women of their freedom to choose whom to love or marry, the freedom to seek legal redress against sexual abuse and terror, and how it hinders their quest for self-determination. On the other hand, it underscores the need to give women sexual freedom that must be respected and enforced by law for the overall good of society.

Whither the people in the ASEAN Community?

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Management Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The People ◽  
Droits Humains ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN’s progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility.Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional.Résumé: L’effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l’inclination libérale qui privilégie, d’une part, l’individu et la communauté et, d’autre part, l’insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l’État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l’ANASE dans le cadre d’une refonte de l’Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l’idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l’ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale.

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