scholarly journals MATERNIDADES DISFÓRICAS EN EL POLICIACO TELEVISIVO ESPAÑOL

Author(s):  
Charo LACALLE ZALDUENDO

Las representaciones de la maternidad integran un campo de estudio complejo y en ocasiones contradictorio, condicionado como pocos otros ámbitos de lo social por las tendencias político-ideológicas de cada momento histórico. A partir de los años noventa, el postfeminismo se ha venido apropiando de algunos postulados de la tercera ola feminista para proponer una versión idealizada de la buena madre que combina, sin problemas aparentes, el cuidado de sus hijos con su desarrollo profesional. La figura resultante de este modelo neoliberal, de carácter naturalista y esencialista, constituye un horizonte inalcanzable para la mayor parte de las mujeres trabajadoras. Estas madres imperfectas han encontrado en el thriller televisivo el imaginario idóneo donde evidenciar la imposibilidad de la maternidad ideal. La serie Néboa (La1, 2020) ilustra esta tendencia mediante una mirada disfórica sobre el tema, muy crítica con los postulados inasumibles del postfeminismo. Abstract: The representations of motherhood make up a complex and sometimes contradictory field of study, conditioned like few other areas of the social sphere by the political-ideological tendencies of each historical period. Since the 1990s, post-feminism has been appropriating some tenets of the feminist third wave to propose an idealized version of the good mother that combines, apparently without problems, the care of her children with her professional development. The figure resulting from this neoliberal model, of a naturalistic and essentialist nature, represents an unattainable horizon for the majority of working women. These imperfect mothers have found in the television thriller a fertile imaginary where they show the impossibility of the ideal motherhood. The series Néboa (La1, 2020) illustrates this trend through a dystopian view on the subject, very critical of the post-feminist imaginary.

Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.


Author(s):  
Hallie M. Franks

In the Greek Classical period, the symposium—the social gathering at which male citizens gathered to drink wine and engage in conversation—was held in a room called the andron. From couches set up around the perimeter of the andron, symposiasts looked inward to the room’s center, which often was decorated with a pebble mosaic floor. These mosaics provided visual treats for the guests, presenting them with images of mythological scenes, exotic flora, dangerous beasts, hunting parties, or the specter of Dionysos, the god of wine, riding in his chariot or on the back of a panther. This book takes as its subject these mosaics and the context of their viewing. Relying on discourses in the sociology and anthropology of space, it argues that the andron’s mosaic imagery actively contributed to a complex, metaphorical experience of the symposium. In combination with the ritualized circling of the wine cup from couch to couch around the room and the physiological reaction to wine, the images of mosaic floors called to mind other images, spaces, or experiences, and, in doing so, prompted drinkers to reimagine the symposium as another kind of event—a nautical voyage, a journey to a foreign land, the circling heavens or a choral dance, or the luxury of an abundant past. Such spatial metaphors helped to forge the intimate bonds of friendship that are the ideal result of the symposium and that make up the political and social fabric of the Greek polis.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore M. Porter

“Let us apply to the political and moral sciences the method founded upon observation and upon calculus, the method which has served us so well in the natural sciences.” The social sciences have known no truer follower of Laplace's dictum than Adolphe Quetelet. His mécanique sociale, later physique sociale, was conceived as the social analogue to Laplace's mecanique celeste, and embodied the results of an unswerving commitment not only to the presumed method of celestial physics, but even to its concepts and vocabulary. It is too weak to say that Quetelet's goal was the transmission of the achievements of celestial physics into the social sphere. He aspired to nothing less than imitation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Rachel Cockburn

This article is an interrogation of love, as it is understood, conceptualised, and practiced in the social sphere, focussing specifically on the Southbank Centre’s Festival of Love (London, UK, 2016). By drawing on Christian Lotz’s social material critique of love (2015), and Michel Foucault’s theory of governmentality (2009) I argue that the Festival of Love, whilst asserting love as celebratory and aspirational, does in fact demonstrate the governmentalised love of modern liberal governance.Following this I engage with Gillian Rose’s discussion of love in periods of social crisis (1992) in order to articulate what might be understood as the ambitions of governmentalised love, and, moreover, what is at stake in this politically. In doing so I draw out the dangers of love as a concept and practice of modern governance, so as to stress the importance of thinking love differently, as an ethico-political practice.


Author(s):  
Kirill G. Morgunov

During the period of liberal reforms of Emperor Alexander II in Russia in 1864, the zemstvo reform began, which was a continuation of the peasant reform of 1861. Zemstvo institutions were introduced in the country, in the Tauride province they appear two years later - in 1866, zemstvo institutions were in charge of local social and economic issues. One of the important issues that fell on the shoulders of the zemstvos was the issue of the development of medicine. Taking care of the people's health was not one of the mandatory zemstvo duties, but the growth of infectious diseases and the high mortality rate largely prompted the zemstvo authorities to promote the development of medical affairs. The work of the zemstvo bodies was especially difficult at the very beginning of the formation of zemstvo medicine, when the zemstvos had to raise to a new level everything that they had inherited in 1866. The first decade of zemstvo activity for the development of medical science is the subject of this study. The article deals with the regional features of the districts of the Tauride province and their importance in the development of public health in the region. The relevance and novelty of the study is added by the reflection of the influence of the social composition of the county zemstvo vowels on the modernization of the social sphere of the province. In conclusion, information is provided on the results achieved by local self-government bodies by the end of the third zemstvo triennial in relation to 1866. The results of the research provide information on the state of medical affairs of the Tauride province in 1875 in relation to the rest of the zemstvo provinces of the Russian Empire.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.


1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (117) ◽  
pp. 80-90
Author(s):  
Q. Qadasheva ◽  
◽  
U.O. Asanova ◽  
A.Q. Myrzahanova ◽  
◽  
...  

The extension of the social sphere of the state language, the increase of people number with the different social categories (government employees, entrepreneurs, politicians, foreigners, students, etc.) aspiring to study language, currently testify to the relevance of Kazakh language teaching as a second language.The rational use of technical means, the effective use of language modern teaching in the process of teaching Kazakh as a second language, helps to enhance the learning and cognitive activity of the student and increase interest in the subject. The article discusses the direct, consciously practical, audiolinguistic, audiovisual, suggestopedical methods of Kazakh language teaching and studies other methods of oral speech teaching and lesson examples are presented. Бүгінгі таңда мемлекеттік тілдің қоғамдық қызметі аясының кеңеюі, тілді үйренуге ынталы, әлеуметтік дәрежесі әр түрлі адамдардың көбеюі (мемлекеттік қызметшілер, бизнесмендер, саясаткерлер, шетелдіктер, студенттер және т.б.) қазақ тілін екінші тіл ретінде оқытудың өзекті екендігін айғақтай түседі. Қазақ тілін екінші тіл ретінде оқыту барысында техникалық құралдарды ұтымды қолданып, тілді оқытудың заманауи тәсілдерін тиімді пайдалану – тіл үйренушінің оқу-танымдық әрекетін белсендіріп, пәнге қызығушылығын арттыруға мүмкіндік туғызады. Мақалада қазақ тілін оқытуда тура, саналы-практикалық, аудиолингвалды, аудиовизуалды, суггестопедия және т.б. ауызша сөйлеуге үйрету әдістері қарастырылып, сабақ үлгілерінен өрнектер беріледі.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-43
Author(s):  
A. N. Pyatakov

The paper examines the phenomenon of global social protests that spread in 2019 across more than 20 countries. The author considers the most striking manifestations of this phenomenon that occurred in the Middle East, North Africa, Western Europe, and Asia. The paper provides a periodization of several waves of anti-globalization movement in the 21st century, whereby the current global unrest represents the third wave. The author identifies specific features of each stage and outlines a growing trend towards politicization and exacerbation of violence. Particular emphasis is made on how the protests in Latin America developed in time and space, as they spread to at least eight states of the region: Haiti, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Columbia. In each country, protests were triggered by a peculiar set of internal factors which are not susceptible to easy generalization. In order to come nearer to the understanding of the new global phenomenon the author puts forward several socio-philosophical hypotheses. In particular, the possibility of internationalization of the French ‘yellow vests’ movement, its transfer and adaptation to other countries affected by protests, is noted. In that regard the paper outlines certain ‘channels’ for exporting the French protests to Latin America, including migration and cultural ties. The author stresses that although socio-economic explanations of the global protest phenomenon that focus on such issues as the growth of inequality and social polarization, are correct, they are insufficient for a comprehensive understanding of the new and complex phenomenon. As an alternative, the author suggests using the concept of ‘social singularity’. The paper considers the key features of this concept, including the idea that contemporary global social sphere is functioning in an online mode, allowing for increased speed of social interaction and communication on a global scale. Finally, the paper examines the causes and the development of the social unrest that broke out in Ecuador and served as a starting point for escalating the protest movement in Latin America in 2019.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.


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