The Semantic Properties and Syntactic Behaviors of the Complex Forms of Chinese Adjectives —A discussion based on four southern Chinese dialects

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (267) ◽  
pp. 24-41
Author(s):  
Haihua Pan ◽  
Shuo Lu ◽  
Xinjie Chen ◽  
Dapeng Lu
1995 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary S. Erbaugh

ABSTRACTSouthern Chinese dialects – Cantonese, Taiwanese, and Hakka – have received little official support from the governments of the nations where Chinese is spoken; they are not mutually intelligible with Mandarin, and are often deeply stigmatized. Although China's language wars have paralleled cold war hostilities, unofficial forces in the 1990s are rapidly enhancing dialect prestige, as an economic boom increasingly links the “Greater China” of the People's Republic, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. (Chinese dialects, Mandarin, Cantonese, Min, Hakka, bilingualism, Hong Kong, Taiwan, official language)


2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-72
Author(s):  
M.K. Zhunusova ◽  
◽  
A.Zh. Sayazhanova ◽  

The article analyzes the key role of syntactic features in the composition of the text. It was determined that the first and last sentences of the text are syntactically diverse. Sentence words, simple, introductory, and complex sentences perform communicative, expressive, and stylistic functions in the text. The semantic and compressed structures, modality, expressiveness, and stylistic skills that are based on various structures of these sentences were studied to reveal the clarity and comprehensibility of the idea of sentences. It is emphasized that with the help of syntactic laws, by means of one-or two-part sentences that convey the idea of the text, the features of the character are briefly and concisely revealed. The features of the formation of various initial sentences are defined. The syntactic structure of initial and final sentences is different: simple, ambiguous, complete, incomplete, positive, negative. All types of single-part components are nominal, vocative, and non-articulate sentences. However, such sentences are not complex, they are mostly simple short sentences. Semantic and syntactic characteristics of initial and final sentences are described in their idiomatic, narrative, interrogative, and complex forms. It was determined by the semantic properties of rhetorical questions in the initial proposals. It should be noted that the nominal structure of the initial sentences of the text is used not only for ease of description but also for emotionality as if it is related to certain aspects of the plot or the general content of the story and affects the reader's feelings. It is believed that the authors in the initial sentences not only indicate the time or place of the event, but also describe human behavior in relation to the environment and nature, and thus allow the reader to predict the end of the story. It was ascertained that the initial and final sentences, depending on the historical period, can be used in both positive and negative meanings.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Aihua Wen

Internet users have given two existing phrases in Chinese, “Jiang Zhen” and “Lao Siji” new second definitions. “Jiang Zhen” which exists in some southern Chinese dialects is gradually becoming a new Mandarin phrase. The phrase’s meaning is being transformed and this new meaning is being used by Chinese netizens. This new and transformed meaning has spread quickly throughout the internet. On the other hand, “Lao Siji” now has several new meanings and has become more popular in online and real life conversations. From the three dimensions of language namely semantics, syntax and pragmatics, the two new phrases have their intrinsic connotations. Currently, different sections of the public hold different attitudes to these two new phrases, so their vitality is still waiting for the test of time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Rui-wen Wu

This paper analyses the different phonological strata of first division unrounded finals of the Xiè Rhyme Group (蟹攝),specifically the Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme, in the finals system of proto-Min and explores the distinction between double rhymes in old Jiangdong dialects. Norman (1981) reconstructed five finals for Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme. They are:*əi for Xai 菜咍栽咍來咍 *oi for Xai 袋咍 *ɑi for Tài 帶泰蔡泰蓋泰 *uəi for Xai 改咍 *yəi for Xai 開咍 According to Norman’s reconstruction, there are four finals for the Xai rhyme but there is only one final for the Tài rhyme. Therefore, some issues need to be clarified. To begin with, what is the time sequence of those four forms of Xai? Additionally, three forms are reconstructed by one cognate in proto-Min. It is highly doubtful to regard those forms as a single stratum individually. Furthermore, the double rhymes, Xai and Tài, could be distinct in the Qieyun system but merged in most modern Chinese dialects. However, some southern dialects retain the distinction (refer to Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004 and Wu 2005). How is the distinction of double rhymes expressed in proto-Min? It is worth examining those questions in depth.The methodology of this paper is the comparative method. We would like to expand Min dialectal material and find more reliable cognates to reexamine Norman’s finals of Xai and Tài. From the perspective of historical development, proto-Min has several different phonological strata. After thoughtful and cautious analysis, those strata could be an important reference for the reconstruction of both Middle Chinese and Old Chinese. An important aim of this paper is to reconstruct the Jiangdong dialect, a southern Chinese dialect used in the Six Dynasties period, using proto-Min and related common dialect systems.In conclusion: 1. both Xai and Tài could be reconstructed as two forms in the finals system of Proto-Min. In brief, *-əi and *-oi are for Xai; *-ɑi and *-ai are for Tài. 2. from a diachronic development viewpoint,the pattern *-oi: *-ai reveals the distinction of Xai and Tài, i.e. double rhyme, in the Six Dynasties Jiangdong dialect. 3. Relatedly, the pattern *-əi: *-ɑi could be traced to differences between the Zhi group (之部) and Jì group (祭部) in Old Chinese.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Zhang

With data from over a thousand regional varieties of Chinese, the paper presents a comprehensive survey of ditransitive constructions in Chinese dialects and their alignment types, focusing in particular on delving in system-internal and external factors correlating with the observed typological distinctions. It starts with questioning the validity of one of Hashimoto’s (1976) well-known parameters for North-South typological classification of Chinese – i.e., the double object construction (DOC) takes the form of V-OR-OT in Northern Chinese and V-OT-OR in Southern Chinese, the latter also known as the ‘Inverted DOC’ (IDOC), – based on the fact that two distinct groups of Southern Chinese, i.e., Min and Southwestern Mandarin spoken in Southwestern China, tally unexpectedly with Northern Chinese and only allow the form of V-OR-OT. It is subsequently found that the distinction is strongly correlated with the typology of the generalpurpose verb of giving (the verb ‘to give’). All dialects with DOC possess an underived ditransitive verb ‘to give’, whereas those with IDOC in general lack such as verb, using instead the combination of a monotransitive handling verb and an allative preposition, i.e., the dative construction in the form of ‘take OT to OR’, to express the ‘give’-type ditransitive event. This finding naturally leads to the following conclusions: (1) it is the loss of the verb ‘to give’ that triggers the loss of DOC in the latter group of dialects, which consequently renders the dative construction as the only ‘give’-type ditransitive construction in such dialects; (2) the IDOC is in nature an indirective construction (dative construction) with merely the dative marker left out, and the driving force of the omission is nothing but a high usage frequency of the indirective construction. It is further observed that the English-like dative alternation between the DOC and the dative construction existing in Chinese for thousands of years since Archaic Chinese is only preserved in a small fraction of its modern varieties. The majority of Chinese dialects have undergone a typological shift from the mixed type to either the DOC-type (predominantly Northern Chinese) or the indirectivetype (predominantly Southern Chinese), motivated by the systerm-external factor (Altaization of Northern Chinese in the former case) and the systerm-internal factor (loss of the verb ‘to give’ in the latter case) respectively


MANUSYA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Chanyaporn Chawla

As we know, in spoken language, 个gè is a commonly accepted general classifier 3 in Modern Chinese. However, this is not the case for other dialects. In the Southern dialects, the specific classifier 只zhī in Mandarin is adopted (Wang, 2008 (c): 279-281). Additionally, in certain Southern dialects, 条tiáo has a wide range of uses. Thus, it can be said that all these individual classifiers share one common feature: all are often used with several kinds of common nouns, i.e. for persons, animals, body parts, objects of daily use, etc. Consequently, in this paper, I will explore the three Chinese classifiers 只zhī, 个gè and 条tiáo in Mandarin, comparing them with the three other Southern dialects, namely Hakka, Chaozhou, and Cantonese, employing the prototype theory (Rosch, 1978) and interview technique, in order to reveal how Northern and Southern people view the world through these classifiers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia de Morsier-Fritz

Abstract This paper is a first presentation of a Chinese Map of the World or Kunyutu 坤輿圖 discovered in a Federal library in Berne in 2017. It focusses on the rendering of the 7000 characters contained within the map. The translation of the complete 112 text blocks on the map will be provided in a second paper, whilst Indices I and II of this paper render the 1025 toponyms. The text blocks contain information on the customs and products of a given place, as well as describing other curiosities associated with it. These texts are compared with other maps and texts, in particular with The Complete World Map (Kunyu quantu 坤輿全圖) and The Explanations to the World Map (Kunyutu shuo 坤輿圖說) of 1674 by Verbiest. The re-translation of the text blocks helps to identify certain anachronisms and inaccuracies although the map purports to reflect the political situation in the years 1700–1729. This reveals the extent to which the text blocks draw on previous sources. Moreover, the rendering of the toponyms detects some inconsistencies in orthography and these interferences offer valuable pointers to the source and target languages. These various pieces of evidence suggest that the map was made much later by a copyist and is not only a cartographic composite of earlier maps, but also a fusion of Northern and Southern Mandarin. The translations presumably from French, Portuguese and Spanish sources in Southern Mandarin – the language of the officials (guanhua 官話) of the late Ming – as well as a variety of Southern Chinese dialects point to the underlying influence of a Jesuit tradition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Cher Leng Lee

AbstractSingapore is a multiracial, multicultural island nation; three quarters of its population is ethnic Chinese. This paper examines the phenomenon of code-switching between the younger generation and their parents, and grandparents, focusing on the English, Chinese dialect and Malay elements present in this variety of spoken Mandarin. The data is taken from university students who have recorded their conversations with their parents, grandparents, siblings and friends. Many of the older generation in their 70s still speak southern Chinese dialects such as Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese as well as Bazaar Malay (which was a lingua franca with Hokkien). Their spoken Mandarin consists of code-switching with these dialects. The middle generation in their 50s is the generation that is able to communicate both with the older generation and younger generation in the various languages. Their spoken Mandarin consists of English, dialects, and even some Malay. The younger generation in their 20s can hardly understand or speak these dialects as a result of the Speak Mandarin Campaign which was launched in 1979 to replace all dialects with Mandarin. As such, the younger generation’s spoken Mandarin consists mainly of English code-switched elements. This paper argues that code-switching takes place mainly due to convenience to fill in the gaps when younger speakers do not know the Mandarin equivalent of the words in certain domains, given the changes in language policies in the nation. In this case, it is not necessarily a choice of code but rather filling the gaps with the language that they know out of necessity.


Author(s):  
Giorgio Francesco Arcodia ◽  
Bianca Basciano

Sino-Tibetan is a highly diverse language family, in which a wide range of morphological phenomena and profiles may be found. The family is generally seen as split into two major branches, i.e., Sinitic and Tibeto-Burman, but while Sinitic is a fairly homogeneous group in terms of morphology, the so-called Tibeto-Burman branch of the family includes isolating languages like Karen, languages with transparent and regular agglutinative morphology (Lolo-Burmese, Tibetic, and Boro-Garo), but also paradigmatically complex languages, with elaborate argument indexation and transitivity management systems; while in some languages morphological complexity is mostly a conservative trait (e.g., Rgyalrongic and Kiranti), other languages developed innovative paradigms, with only few vestiges of the archaic system (Kuki-Chin). Some notable morphological phenomena in modern Tibeto-Burman languages are verb stem alternation, peculiar nominalization constructions, and long sequences of prefixes, which in some languages (Chintang) may even be freely permutated without any relevant change in meaning. Also, while Sinitic languages are normally taken to be a prototypical example of the (ideal) isolating morphological type (with virtually no inflection, stable morpheme boundaries, no cumulative exponence, and no allomorphy or suppletion), phenomena of strong reduction of morphemes, blurring of morpheme boundaries and fusion between root and suffix, and nonconcatenative morphology, as well as allomorphy and (proto-)paradigmatic organization of morphology, are attested in some Chinese dialects, mostly concentrated in an area of Northern China (Shaanxi, Shanxi, Henan, Hebei, and Shandong provinces). Moreover, ‘Altaic-type’ agglutinative morphology, including case marking, is found in Sinitic languages of the so-called Qinghai-Gansu Sprachbund; in this case, the development of agglutination, as well as other typological traits (as SOV word order), is clearly the product of intense and prolonged contact between Northwestern Chinese dialects and Tibetic and Mongolic languages of China. On the other hand, Southern Chinese dialects have developed in closer contact with Hmong-Mien, Tai-Kadai, and Austroasiatic languages, and are thus closer to the typology of Mainland Southeast Asian languages, with a very strong isolating profile.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Jack Meng-Tat Chia

The introduction sets out the purpose of the book, which is to study Chinese Buddhist migration in the twentieth century, highlighting the connected history of Buddhist communities in China and maritime Southeast Asia. This chapter introduces the term “South China Sea Buddhism,” referring to the forms of Buddhism in maritime Southeast Asia—which use Mandarin Chinese, Southern Chinese dialects, and Southeast Asian languages in their liturgy and scriptures—that have emerged out of Buddhist connections across the South China Sea. It challenges the conventional categories of “Chinese Buddhism” and “Southeast Asian Buddhism” by focusing on the lesser-known Chinese Buddhist communities of maritime Southeast Asia. Finally, the chapter discusses the sources and outline of the book.


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