scholarly journals The Foreign-Policy Aspect of Mei Lanfang’s Soviet Tour in 1935

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Janne Risum
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Chinese Theatre ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
War Memories ◽  
The Republic ◽  
European Theatre ◽  
Formed Part

The Soviet tour in 1935 of the eminent Chinese male interpreter of female roles, Mei Lanfang, attracted justified international attention as a pioneering instance of cultural and aesthetic exchange. This is not least due to the fact that it was the first time a traditional Chinese theatre troupe made a guest appearance in Europe and that so many prominent Russian and other European theatre innovators consequently eagerly followed the event and reacted to the traditional Chinese stage conventions according to their very different aesthetic points of view. Complementing my published research over the years into the details of this major intercultural stage event, in this article I reverse my perspective and almost exclusively focus on its foreign-policy context. I demonstrate that from the more pragmatic point of view of international politics at the time, another aspect of Mei’s tour was much more important: It was an act of cultural diplomacy which helped break a deadlock in foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Republic of China, and in so doing helped facilitate their formation of a defensive military alliance in response to the rapidly increasing Japanese aggression against them both. War memories, as well as memory wars, formed part of this foreign policy staging of Mei Lanfang’s Soviet guest appearance and its subsequent documentation.

Dynamics of India's Strategic Environment

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 399-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Indian Foreign Policy

India's strategic environment has undergone significant changes in recent years, especially in the seventies. From the point of view of Indian foreign policy, the strategic environment and its dynamics can be studied in three different spheres: (1) the global strategic environment, particularly consisting of the strategic confrontation between the United States and its allies on the one hand and the Soviet Union and its allies on the other; (2) the immediate strategic environment, consisting mainly of Pakistan and China; and (3) the intermediate strategic environment, consisting of the non-aligned movement and the Third World. Needless to say, there is considerable and inevitable overlap and feedback among these three spheres of the strategic environment. They are, nevertheless, conceptually and operationally different spheres. The purpose of this article is to analyse the recent changes in these three different spheres of our strategic environment and the implications of these changes for our foreign policy in the foreseeable future.

scholarly journals The Russian Factor in Turkey's Georgian Policy after the Russian-Georgian War (August 2008)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (04) ◽  
pp. 1738-1747
Author(s):  
Murad Asadov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
Natural Gas Pipelines ◽  
North East ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Republic

Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin. Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West. This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.

scholarly journals The Paradox of Nicolae Ceausescu’s Foreign Policy and Several Reasons for the Deterioration of the International Image of His Regime

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Hadrian Gorun ◽  
Lucretia-Ileana Branescu
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Short Article ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Image ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Usa

This short article attempts to find and highlight the most important reasons that determined the deterioration of the international imagine of the communist regime from Nicolae Ceausescu’s Romania. Although after 1968, - the year when the Romanian leader publicly condemned Czechoslovakia’s invasion by the Red Army- Romania’s image in the Western countries was very good, during the 80s the whole capital of sympathy completely disappeared. Nicolae Ceausescu’s anti-Soviet foreign policy made him a socalled “spoiled child” of the West. In 1989, the Romanian dictator remained the only Stalinist leader from European countries, paradoxically an anti-Soviet Stalinist leader. In our opinion there were three very important events that determined the irreversible degradation of the regime’s image abroad: Helsinki Final Act in 1975; General Ion Mihai Pacepa’s (vice-leader of Foreign Information Department of Romanian Intelligence) run to the USA and last but not the least, Mikhail Gorbachev’s election as general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. (CPSU) We started from the hypothesis that these three moments were somehow decisive for Ceausescu’s decline in the eyes of his own people and mainly in international relations. From methodological point of view we tried to explain briefly how and in what measure the three mentioned events and their consequences changed maybe irreversibly the image of Romanian dictator mainly abroad. We tried also to make a short comparison between Ceausescu’s situation in 1968 and his position in the 1980’s. We could conclude that evolution of the events confirmed that one of the most important blows for Romanian dictator was Gorbachev’s election. However we do not need to overrate this aspect. The international and regional context at the end of 1980’s was decisive. The end of the Cold War and refolutions from Central and Eastern Europe made impossible the survival of the last Stalinist regime.

scholarly journals Azerbaijan-Turkey literary relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-E) ◽  
pp. 24-31
Author(s):  
Nurlana Mustafayeva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Iron Curtain ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Literary Relations ◽  
The Republic

Article compares the literary relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the Soviet and independence periods. Research shows that during the Soviet era, limited literary relations under the leadership of Moscow were subordinated to the unified foreign policy goals of the USSR. The Soviet Union, among other means, sought to spread communist ideology in Turkey through literary ties, to weaken NATO’s southern wing from within, and to reduce Western influence. The closed society and the “iron curtain” of the USSR did not allow the free exchange of cultural and literary treasures. After the restoration of the state independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on October 18, 1991 and the collapse of the USSR, literary relations were free from ideological stereotypes and all restrictions. The signing of bilateral documents between Azerbaijan and Turkey has laid the legal basis for cooperation in the field of culture, including literature.

scholarly journals Hungary's Part in the Soviet–Yugoslav Conflict, 1956–58

1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-225
Author(s):  
Zoltán Ripp
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
East Central ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
Special Part ◽  
Political Contention ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
East Central European

Hungary, after the 1956 revolution, played a special part in the dispute that broke out between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia and continued with varying intensity for several years. This eventful story was an important part of the process that decided the fate of the East-Central European region. The immediate cause of political contention between Belgrade and Moscow was their differences over the Hungarian question, especially the fate of Imre Nagy, who had been prime minister during the revolution. The intrinsic conflicts lay deeper, however. Although the Nagy affair remained an important factor in the disagreements throughout – from his kidnapping to the ‘war of the protest notes’ that followed his execution – it acted mainly as a catalyst. The Nagy affair was an insurmountable problem for all the players concerned. It provided ample fuel for the debates, and each side found that it could be used to put pressure on the other. Due to the system of relations between the three communist countries, the Hungarian side played the least active part. János Kádár, having come to power through the crushing of the uprising of October 1956, was left in no doubt that Hungary had to follow faithfully the Kremlin's foreign-policy line and accommodate itself to Soviet regional policy requirements. Nonetheless, the story remains interesting from Hungary's point of view as well, because it reveals more than the constraints on a small, exposed country. It also shows how Kádár, as he zigzagged between the conflicting demands of Tito and Khrushchev, trying to keep on good terms with both, was gathering experience that would be useful in his later foreign policy.

scholarly journals Romania’s Policy towards the Republic of Moldova at the present Stage

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
A. I. Dragan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Important Direction ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Educational Component ◽  
The Eu

This article is devoted to the Romania’s policy towards Moldova which began to take shape soon after the dissolution of the Soviet Union of the USSR. The Moldovan vector of the Romanian foreign policy is based on the geopolitical “Great Romania” project, which implies the expansion of the borders of Romania, by uniting with neighboring Moldova. The article analyzes the main directions and features of the implementation of Romania’s foreign policy towards Moldova. The basic agreements concluded between countries are analyzed.The main factors influencing the formation and implementation of Romanian foreign policy are identified. The role of the influence of the external factor on the Romania’s policy towards Moldova is investigated. Romania’s participation in the EU and NATO has a significant impact on the Romanian vector of foreign policy towards Moldova. The distribution of power was investigated both in the country and in neighboring Moldova. The positions of the political elites of Romania and Moldova are analyzed.The characteristic features of the cultural identity of the peoples of both countries are investigated. An important direction in the policy of Romania in Moldova is the cultural and educational component. Its main goal is to expand the influence of Romania through the education of pro-Romanian-minded youth in Moldova, as well as through the formation of a positive image of Romania among various segments of the population, that supports its policies.

scholarly journals Formation and development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey with the Turkic-speaking states of Central Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (68) ◽  
pp. 225-233
Author(s):  
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov ◽  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Official Document ◽  
Genetic Method ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Importance ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

So far, the country has not had an official document defining the concept of foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. The relevance of the problem under study lies in the need to define modern approaches to the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey with respect to Central Asian States. The objective of this article is to analyses the evolution of Turkish foreign policy towards Turkish-speaking states since the early 1990swhile determining the role and importance of these states to Turkey. Historical-genetic and chronological methods have been used as tools to support historical study. The historical and genetic method allows to track the dissemination and consistent of changes in the object of this study. In addition, the method of research and presentation of chronological problems contributes to consistent coverage of the peculiarities of significant events of regional and international importance. The study revealed a tendency to transform Turkey's policy towards The Turkish-speaking states of Central Asia, since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

lmost all estimates of the figure of Alexander Solzhenitsyn are not related to literary criticism. Most studies evaluate his role, intentions and results. His figure is assessed in the context of the fate of the country, public perception and attitude to the country, which is Motherland for some, and mental and political enemy for the others. And for this purpose it is not even important who is right from the historical and political point of view. The point is who and how perceived the USSR and the entire Soviet project. Solzhenitsyn is seen as the enemy of the USSR and the Soviet project by those who popularized and helped him, and also according to his self-evaluation. Therefore, for those who identify themselves with the Soviet Union, its heritage and the entire Soviet project Solzhenitsyn represents the enemy and bearer of evil. For those who are hostile to the Soviet Union and the Soviet project, Solzhenitsyn is an ally in their struggle and bearer of good. Which of these parties is right is the issue of history and morality. 66% of Russian citizens support the first point of view, and the second point of view is supported by 25% of the population. Nowadays 88 % of Russian citizens know who Solzhenitsyn was. 31% consider him to be moral authority for them. 8% of the people believe that Solzhenitsyn presented true facts in his books.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 260-275
Author(s):  
Victor V.  Aksyuchits
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Self Evaluation ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Russian Intelligentsia

In the article the author studies the formation process of Russian intelligentsia analyzing its «birth marks», such as nihilism, estrangement from native soil, West orientation, infatuation with radical political ideas, Russophobia. The author examines the causes of political radicalization of Russian intelligentsia that grew swiftly at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries and played an important role in the Russian revolution of 1917.

The development of trade relations between the Republic of Cyprus and the Soviet Union (1960-1963)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 258-263
Author(s):  
Argyrios Tasoulas
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
International Crises ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus

This article studies the development of Soviet-Cypriot trade relations in 1960-63, based on research at the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVP RF). Concurrently, a historical analysis follows the events after the creation of the new Cypriot state and the two major Cold War crises (the building of the Berlin wall and the Cuban missile crisis). The efforts made by both governments to develop bilateral trade, the aftermath of the two major international crises and the results of the two governments’ policies have been identified and analyzed.

The 13th of December 1981 in the political history of Poland: view through 35 years

2017 ◽  
pp. 369-378
Author(s):  
Vladislav Strutynsky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Grassroots Organizations ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
The Republic

By analyzing one of the most eventful periods of the modern history of Poland, the early 80s of the XX century, the author examines the dynamics of social and political conflict on the eve of the introduction of martial law, which determines the location of the leading political forces in these events in Poland, that were grouped around the Polish United Labor Party and the Independent trade union «Solidarity», their governing structures and grassroots organizations, highlighting the development of socio-political situation in the country before entering the martial law on the 13th of December and analyzing the relation of the leading countries to the events, especially the Soviet Union. Also, the author distinguishes causes that prevent to reach the compromise in the process of realization different programs, that were offered to public and designed by PUWP and «Solidarity» and were “aimed” to help Polish society to exit an unprecedented conflict. This article provides a comparative analysis of the different analytical meaningful reasons, offered by historians, political scientists, lawyers, and led to the imposition of martial law in the Republic of Poland. The author also analyses the legality of such actions by the state and some conclusions that were reached by scientists, investigating the internal dynamics of the conflict and the process of implementation of tasks, that Polish United Workers’ Party (which ruled at that time) tried to solve with martial law and «Solidarity» was used as self-determination in Polish society. Keywords: Martial law, Independent trade union «Solidarity», inter-factory strike committee, social-political conflict, Polish United Workers’ Party, the Warsaw Pact, the Military Council of National Salvation

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