scholarly journals La grève dans les services publics en droit français

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 699-713
Author(s):  
Joseph Frossard

This paper describes the limitations on the constitutional right to strike that apply to public employees in France. While recognizing the right to strike for all salaried workers, whether employed in the private or public sector, the Preamble to the 1946 Constitution, incorporated by reference into the present Constitution, allows for limitations being imposed on that right by statute. Indeed, specific legislation has either prohibited or limited the right to strike for various classes of public employees. This has been held constitutionally valid insofar as the statutory bar or restriction is required to prevent essential functions of the State from being interrupted or to ensure that the vital needs of the country are being provided for. Even where no specific restrictive legislation applies, strikes by the staff of « public services » — including not only central and local government employees, but also employees of major nationalized industries, institutions such as hospitals, and even private undertakings providing some public utility or service — are subject, under the Labour Code, to a number of restrictions. In particular, five days' notice of the strike must be given by a representative union. And certains forms of striking, such as rotating strikes, are prohibited. In addition, the employer authority may, under the doctrine of « essential services », make administrative regulations identifying which units or staff positions are considered essential. These regulations are subject to review by the administrative courts on the basis that the constitutional right to strike may only be curtailed insofar as is needed to preserve State authority and security or the safety of the public.

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Jennings ◽  
Steven K. Paulson ◽  
Steven A. Williamson

Public employees in Florida have been permitted by law since 1974 to engage in collective bargaining with their employers. Along with the right to engage in collective bargaining, the law established a dispute resolution process for resolving bargaining impasses in lieu of the strike, which was strictly prohibited. This law also established the Public Employees Relations Commission (PERC), which was created to oversee the process. The present study was designed to evaluate the effectiveness of the present impasse procedure as perceived by the concerned parties. This study was exploratory in nature and designed to provide PERC and thus the Florida Legislature with the documentation required for review of the present law. A total of 1,150 questionnaires were mailed to union representatives and public employers. A 45 percent return rate was achieved. The return was approximately equally divided between the unions and the employers. Frequency distributions of these responses and regression analyses are presented and conclusions are drawn as to the perceived effectiveness of the process.


2005 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-703
Author(s):  
Jacob Finkelman

The author traces the origins and development of public sector negotiations in Canada. Heputs the accent on several aspects such as: the determination of bargaining units, the definition of what is negotiable, major problems encountered and ways of resolving them, the determining of essential services. In the light offorty years of experience, the author cornes to the conclusion that granting the right to strike in the public sector was a mistake. He also takes position against the merger ofthe Canadian Labour Relations Board (CLRB) and the Public Service Staff Relations Board (PSSRB).


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Taha Atiyyat

The national and international have endorsed the act of striking as a basic common right that is carte blanche but confined to local laws and regulations. The issue, however, has been an area of controversy; a number of countries have been diverse in their stance in terms of banning such an act or legalize I. Jordan is one of the countries which ban the public-sector employee to strike in order to ensure the public facilities and services necessary fir the citizen’s daily-life activities and needs, noting that this ban in exempted from the private-sector employees in accordance to the labour law. So many legislators have highlighted the right and obligations of the pubic-sector employee, focusing the attention on his right in striking to a great extent that might expose his right to be confined in case of a conflict with the principle of public utility. Over history, many countries have been legitimizing the right of striking for the public-sector employees because of several reasons. First, conducting a strike might be harmful for the stream of public utitlity. In addition, this act represents in a way one of the vital features of the state’s sovereignty. Despite the fact that many countries have joined the international conventions that ensure the public-sector employee, known as public official, in striking, the Jordanian legislator has not exercised this right on real grounds in the space of the employee’s profession, but he has been satisfied with the words that ban employees to strike as documented in the Civil Service Regulations. The legislator considers striking as any illegal conduct resulting in dangerous consequences and disruption in the public utility regularly and steadily. This study will tackle the legitimacy of the public-sector employees in the Jordanian law. The attention will be focused on the Jordanian teachers;’ strike as a study case with reference to the Jordanian Constitution, including the relevant bylaws and regulations, the provisions of Jordanian courts like the Constitutional Court of Jordan and the Supreme Administrative Court of Jordan.


Author(s):  
Nelson Lichtenstein

This chapter considers the idea of governmental “sovereignty,” as used by the right, to undermine the rationale for collective bargaining in the public sector. From the Boston Police Strike of 1919 forward, conservatives have considered the organization of government workers to be incompatible with the sovereign status of those entities sustained by taxes and elected by the populace. Public employee unions subverted the will of elected officeholders and undermined state power. That antiunion ideology faded in the two decades after 1958 when public employee unionism grew by leaps and bounds, but in recent years it has returned, albeit in a distinctively neoliberal, antistate guise. Conservatives today charge that instead of challenging the power of the state, public sector unionism is illegitimate because these institutions support those governmental functions that regulate commerce, sustain public education, and provide other public goods now under attack from the neoliberal right.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 275
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Carabetta

Labour standards adopted under the auspices of the ILO constitute the principal international influences on public sector collective bargaining; it is those standards that are the subject of this article. Focusing on the position of essential public sector employees, ILO principles concerning collective bargaining, dispute settlement and the right of workers to withdraw their services as part of bargaining are examined. Particular attention is devoted to the application of ILO standards to essential public sector employees and police officers; and the extent to which Australian law complies with these standards. The ILO supervisory bodies have acknowledged that restrictions on the general right of workers to collectively bargain and to strike can be justified in the case of essential public employees, but only on a minimal or proportional analysis. The ILO has also emphasised that any restrictions on the right to strike must be compensated by adequate, impartial and speedy conciliation and arbitration processes. It is shown, however, that with respect to essential public employees and police officers operating under the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth), Australian law falls short on both of these scores, with a resultant uncertainty regarding the right of these workers to bargain collectively.


1986 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.J. Williams ◽  
J. Sewel ◽  
F. Twine

ABSTRACTIt has been argued that council house sales will contribute towards a more general process of residualization of public sector housing. Empirical evidence is presented in this context derived from surveys of purchasers and non-purchasers of council dwellings in the city of Aberdeen. This evidence confirms that purchasers and non-purchasers exhibit different socio-economic characteristics and after only four years of the Right to Buy legislation significant numbers of households in social classes I, II and III have left the public sector via the mechanism of sales. The small number of sales relative to the stock as a whole, however, has meant that the overall contribution of sales towards residualization has been small. This evidence from Aberdeen is compared to evidence from elsewhere and related to the varying pattern of sales across the country as a whole.


2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.


Author(s):  
Dries Verlet ◽  
Carl Devos

Although policy evaluation has always been important, today there is a rising attention for policy evaluation in the public sector. In order to provide a solid base for the so-called evidence-based policy, valid en reliable data are needed to depict the performance of organisations within the public sector. Without a solid empirical base, one needs to be very careful with data mining in the public sector. When measuring performance, several unintended and negative effects can occur. In this chapter, the authors focus on a few common pitfalls that occur when measuring performance in the public sector. They also discuss possible strategies to prevent them by setting up and adjusting the right measurement systems for performance in the public sector. Data mining is about knowledge discovery. The question is: what do we want to know? What are the consequences of asking that question?


2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARI HYYTINEN ◽  
JAAKKO MERILÄINEN ◽  
TUUKKA SAARIMAA ◽  
OTTO TOIVANEN ◽  
JANNE TUKIAINEN

We analyze the effect of municipal employees’ political representation in municipal councils on local public spending. We use within-party, as-good-as-random variation in close elections in the Finnish open-list proportional election system to quantify the effect. One more councilor employed by the public sector increases spending by about 1%. The effect comes largely through the largest party and is specific to the employment sector of the municipal employee. The results are consistent with public employees having an information advantage over other politicians, and thus, being able to influence policy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 2227-2246 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Matsusaka

In the public sector, employment may be inefficiently high because of patronage, and wages may be inefficiently high because of public employee interest groups. This paper explores whether the initiative process, a direct democracy institution of growing importance, ameliorates these political economy problems. In a sample of 650+ cities, I find that when public employees cannot bargain collectively and patronage could be a problem, initiatives appear to cut employment but not wages. When public employees bargain collectively, driving up wages, the initiative appears to cut wages but not employment. The employment-cutting result is robust; the wage-cutting result survives some but not all robustness tests. (JEL D72, J31, J45, J52)


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