scholarly journals Actualization of regional leadership in the modern international relations: comparative analysis of the European and Middle Eastern regions

Author(s):  
Nikolai Nikolaevich Alekseev ◽  
Diana Aleksandrovna Aver'yanova ◽  
Anna Alekseevna Komakha

This article reviews the regional peculiarities of political processes associated with the struggle for regional leadership that is a mainstream in the modern post-bipolar international relations. The authors give particular attention to the historical and theoretical principles of studying the concept of leadership in international relations, namely: provide various approaches towards determination of the status of a regional power, criteria for regional leadership, and specificities of interaction between the regional and global powers. Emphasis is placed on examination of the aforementioned phenomena and processes in the context of comprehensive impact of such global trends, as globalization and glocalization, decentralization of the system of international relations, and formation of the multipolar world order. The novelty of this work lies in the comparative analysis of regional peculiarities of the struggle for leadership in the European and Middle Eastern regions. The relevance of selecting Europe and Middle East is defined by their fundamentally different nature of the regional international relations. The authors reveal the common features and regional specificity of the struggle for leadership in these regions. The common features include: the significance of non-state actors (of different types), ethnic and cultural diversity, complexity of delineation of political boundaries. The regional specificities include: different tools, nature and goals of the struggle for leadership, unequal presence of global powers in the regions, etc. The conclusion is drawn on the need for further examination of the matter to improve the international political forecasting.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


Tekstualia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (65) ◽  
pp. 57-68
Author(s):  
Szymon Grzybowski

The article examines the differences between and the common features of the Polish translations of Analects by Confucius. A comparative analysis of the syntax and the lexis helps to illuminate the strategies used by the translators and to answer the question as to how the approach to translating a philosophical work affects its reception.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-111
Author(s):  
Leah Sherwood

Abstract This article reviews humanitarian intervention and Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Syria arguing that inaction has had greater repercussions than action would have had. It begins by engaging a wide range of policy literature on humanitarian law and broader international relations theory to locate R2P and Syria’s case. Using the Kosovo precedent, it shows an intervention was justifiable and then explains why one did not occur. The consequences of failing to act (when it was possible) is said to have undermined respect for human rights and R2P. The article concludes that the failure to protect in Syria has had international reverberations, which are intensified by concurrent global trends. The damage Syria has done to the human rights regime has bearing on the post-WWII (especially post-Cold War) liberal and normative world order because central values were left undefended. Regionally, inaction destabilized the Middle East and created problems in Europe - and beyond. Inside Syria, the costs of the war will last generations. Unintended collateral damage created by the failure to protect in Syria includes less future respect for human rights, R2P, US global leadership and the liberal world order as well as challenges to Middle Eastern stability, European refugee policy and counterterrorism policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina L’vovna Prokhorenko

The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to develop. It is non-Western essentially, taking into account the belonging of the Latin America and the Caribbean countries to the periphery and/or semi-periphery of the global world. The following factors have been also important: common civilizational basis and similar institutional and political characteristics of the formation and dynamics of the Latin America countries and societies, many general development problems, common regional challenges and threats which require collective efforts for searching effective responses on them. Similarly, the significant role of external factors and global actors that influence country and international political processes in the Latin America region is noted. And also those possibilities which the trend towards polycentric world order paves the way for the leading powers in the region are taken into consideration. The author focuses on the concepts of the autonomy and dependency (or dependence development) when Latin America scholars analyzing the foreign policy of the concrete countries in the region and integration processes which construct the regional and sub-regional transnational political spaces. Attention is paid to the specificity of comparative foreign policy studies and spatial turn in the Latin America international relations studies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 32-49
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bohomolets-Barash

The article attempts to identify changes that have occurred in the lingual world model of Ukrainians in recent years. The results of the “Word of the Year” contest in Ukraine served as the material for observation and analysis. Every year the online dictionary of neologisms and slang of the modern Ukrainian language “Myslovo” declares the “word of the year” – the most socially significant, popular and used word. Other nominees in the short list for the award are also important words to indicate current phenomena, events, concepts or persons. Usually, “modern” words fall into the nomination. Such lexemes are contemporary (reflect current events in the society), universal (formed by the new-fashioned trends), popular (are in the center of public thought and debate). Thus, in 2013 the “word of the year” became “Euromaidan”, in 2014 – “cyborgs”, in 2015 – “blockade”. In 2016, “corruption” became much more relevant, in 2017 the most popular was “bezviz” (visa-free regime), and in 2018 originally Greek word “tomos” became widely used. Therefore, the chosen “words of the year” (and nominees for this award) act as lexical representatives of those phenomena and events that are of the most concern for the society, and consequently have impact on the lingual world model of Ukrainians. The results of the Ukrainian competition were compared with the results of the similar contests in other countries, in particular, Belarus and Russia. Using comparative analysis, the common features of the Ukrainian and Belarussian lingual world models of XXI century were revealed as well as the opposite views of Ukrainians and Russians on important socio-political phenomena. For example, Belarusians use the loanword from Ukrainian “vyshyvanka” (‘colloquial name for the embroidered shirt in Ukrainian and Belarusian national costumes’) from which the derived word – neologism “vyshymaika” (‘colloquial name for the t-shirt that combines tradional embroidery with the modern design’) was formed. The imperial ambitions of Russians were verbalized in the politically motivated neologism-hashtag “#krymnash”(Crimea is ours), which became the “Word of the Year 2014” in Russia. Therefore, it can be claimed that the XXI century Ukrainian standart language is being enriched with new lexemes that are gradually being used by Ukrainians, becoming part of their lingual world model. These words may be partially (see “Euromaidan”, “bezviz”) or completely (see “tomos”) adopted from the other donor languages, but, as practice shows, they are being organically incorporated into the Ukrainian usus.


Author(s):  
B.A.Toksobaeva ◽  
N.K.Toktogazieva

The object of the research presented in the article is the lease of state land settlements. This article has two objectives. The first goal is the search for factors that increase the efficiency of state land use. The second goal is to highlight the principles, approaches and methods of leasing public lands that are potentially applicable in the Kyrgyz Republic. This article is one of a series of articles aimed at drawing lessons from the practice of leasing public lands in post-Soviet countries. The authors examine in detail the existing lease systems of state lands in each of their selected countries for research, and then highlight the common features of well-functioning systems.


2016 ◽  
pp. 52-63
Author(s):  
V. Rozumyk

The article investigates the common aspects of home policy determinants of foreign policy. The author argues that before the modern political science international relations raises questions about the possibility of aggravation of geopolitical confrontation in the process of alternative models of world order and the impact of the internal heterogeneity of the leading countries in the world in the development of a new system of international relations. On the example of the Peloponnesian War, the internal factors of international relations are reviewed and analyzed, the inadequacy and inaccuracy of many of the stereotypes of the theory of international relations, inspired liberal propaganda are clearly demonstrated. Falseness of the statements about the innate aggressiveness of authoritarian regimes is proved, the position about an inherent pacifism of democracies is refuted.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-371
Author(s):  
Maxim Vladimirovich Kharkevich ◽  
Ivan Ivanovich Pisarev ◽  
Vsevolod Sergeyevich Cheresov ◽  
Marina Olegovna Novogradskaya

This article analyzes the activities of American non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China and Chinese NGOs in the United States in the context of global competition between the United States and China for the leadership in the future model of the world order. In International Relations theory, especially in its theoretical paradigm of realism, the consideration of states as actors in international relations dominates scholarship. However, in recent decades it has become apparent that researchers have a significant interest in non-state actors, such as interest groups and NGOs, and their impact on international relations. NGOs in China and the United States have different historical backgrounds, environments, and government institutions in different ways. Still, but in terms of comparative analysis they represent comparable categories. The analysis offered in this study shows that, firstly, despite the strict regulation of the activities of NGOs in place in China, American NGOs have more opportunities to work in this environment than Chinese NGOs do in the United States, where the situation for their activities is apparently more favorable. Secondly, despite the advantages that partnerships provide, neither American nor Chinese NGOs form partnership networks and therefore, lose momentum for their own development. Thirdly, although the conditions for their activities differ in both countries, American and Chinese NGOs have equal opportunities to pursue their goals. Finally, American NGOs in China are less dependent on their government than Chinese NGOs in the United States are on the Chinese government. The study is comparative and takes as its units of analysis Chinese NGOs in the United States and American NGOs in China. Developments in the field of interest group politics serve as the theoretical framework for this research. The investigation uses methods of comparative quantitative analysis and social network analysis, while the interdisciplinary nature of the methods allow them to take advantage of the analytical capabilities of Comparative Political Science, Interest Group Politics, and International Relations.


Author(s):  
Zhang Lianhong ◽  

The article reveals the features of vocal traditions development in China and Ukraine in the historical context. The stages of vocal traditions development in China and Ukraine are outlined. The essential characteristics of vocal traditions at each stage of development in the studied countries are defined. The comparative analysis of both vocal traditions enabled defining the main differences and the common features in the development of the studied phenomenon. The differences lie in the fact that Ukrainian vocal tradition has been constantly improving, while Chinese – has experienced periods of decline; in China the basis of vocal training is philosophical, while in Ukraine – spiritual. The common features include implementation of foreign experience in the content of vocal education and training of vocalists in various fields – academic and folk, as well as the spread of pop singing.


2016 ◽  
pp. 227-243
Author(s):  
Piotr Ostaszewski

The article concerns the comparison of two cases of non-confrontational asymmetry in international relations: between Taiwan and the United States and between Poland and the United States. The author explores the differences and the common elements of both situations. The outcome provides a background for comparative studies concerning not only the international situation of Taipei and Warsaw, but also an introduction to comparative approaches concerning political developments in Eastern Europe and East Asia.


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