Globalization, Language(s), and Mobility

Author(s):  
Stephen May

This paper explores the arguments offered in support of a new form of linguistic cosmopolitanism, within which English as the current world language inevitably plays a central/pivotal role. These arguments are illustrated via discussion of the work of three prominent political theorists, Abram de Swaan, Philippe Van Parijs and Daniele Archibugi, all of whom advocate this broad position. The conclusions drawn from their work are demonstrably apparent. In our increasingly globalized world, nation-states must incorporate English as the language of wider international connectedness and trade in a privileged diglossic relation to local languages. For individuals, English must either be a replacing language or, at the least, a key language in any individual’s bi/multilingual repertoire. At both the collective (state) and individual levels, the almost de rigueur assumption is that English is crucial for wider social and economic mobility. This paper problematizes this increasingly widespread and influential position by highlighting the following key limitations therein: the failure to address issues of power and inequality; the monolithic construction of English; the over-elaboration of the links between language and mobility; the deleterious implications for education; and the wider negative juxtaposition of supposedly local and global linguistic identities upon which these arguments are invariably based.

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Bashford

AbstractImmigration acts have long been analysed as instrumental to the working of the modern nation-state. A particular focus has been the racial exclusions and restrictions that were adopted by aspirationally white, new world nation-states: Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States. This article looks again at the long modern history of immigration restriction in order to connect the history of these settler-colonial race-based exclusions (much studied) with immigration restriction in postcolonial nation-states (little studied). It argues for the need to expand the scope of immigration restriction histories geographically, temporally and substantively: beyond the settler nation, beyond the Second World War, and beyond ‘race’. The article focuses on the Asia-Pacific region, bringing into a single analytical frame the early immigration laws of New Zealand, Australia, the United States, and Canada on the one hand and those of Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Fiji on the other.


2015 ◽  
pp. 7-33
Author(s):  
Manfred Kohler

Reference points of European identity: conceptualizing  identity beyond the nation-stateThis article formulates and introduces a comprehensive conceptual framework for understanding the nature and characteristics of collective (state) identities, especially European identity here. This conceptual framework shall give impetus to conduct new and comprehensive research on collective (state) identities in and beyond the nation-state. It has the advantage of being applicable to all kinds of collective identities – from simple private associations, complex nation-states and supra- or trans- national political systems like that of the European Union. Punkty odniesienia tożsamości europejskiej: konceptualizacja tożsamości poza obrębem państwa narodowegoNiniejszy artykuł formułuje i wprowadza szerokie ramy pojęciowe dla wszechstronnego zrozumienia natury i charakteru tożsamości zbiorowych (państwowych), szczególnie zaś tożsamości europejskiej. Owe ramy pojęciowe powinny stworzyć impuls dla podjęcia nowych, kompleksowych studiów nad tożsamościami zbiorowościowymi (państwowymi) zarówno w obrębie państwa narodowego, jak i poza nim. Zaletą przedstawionego w artykule ujęcia jest to, że możliwe jest jego zastosowanie w odniesieniu do jak najbardziej zróżnicowanych tożsamości – od prostych prywatnych stowarzyszeń przez złożone państwa narodowe do ponad- i międzynarodowych systemów politycznych, takich jak Unia Europejska.


Author(s):  
Matthew Graves ◽  
Elizabeth Rechniewski

Over the last thirty or so years, historians and social scientists have undertaken a wide ranging exploration of the processes involved in forgetting and remembering, with a particular focus on the level of the nation-state. Their interest corresponds to the period that Pierre Nora, the French historian responsible for the ground-breaking Les Lieux de memoire in the 1980s, terms the ‘era of commemoration,’ drawing attention to what he describes as the ‘tidal wave of memorial concerns that has broken over the world.’ Across the world, nation-states have paid renewed attention to the ceremonial and observance of national days, and have undertaken campaigns of education, information, even legislation, to enshrine the parameters of national remembering and therefore identity, while organisations and institutions of civil society and special interest groups have sought to draw the attention of their fellow citizens to their particular experiences, and perhaps gain national recognition for what they believe to have been long overlooked or forgotten. This article traces the over-lapping evolution of the practices of commemoration, the politics of memory and the academic field of ‘Memory Studies.’ It seeks in particular to identify the theoretical and methodological advances that have moved the focus of the study of memory from the static and homogenising category of ‘collective memory’ to practices of remembering, and from national to transcultural perspectives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 558-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjun Appadurai

The argument of this essay is that migrants, especially refugees, in the contemporary globalized world are inevitably second-class citizens because their stories do not fit the narrative requirements of modern nation-states. As a result, there is no easy way for them to fit either their memories or their aspirations into acceptable forms that fit the criteria for full citizenship in most states. This essay argues for renewed attention to the relationship between migrants and mediation, especially based on the idea that archives are not only records of the past but are also maps for the future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Georg Scherer

AbstractIn a globalized world nation state governments are no longer able to control the behaviour of global economic actors via legislation and execution. At the same time transnational organizations such as the UN, the ILO or the WTO have not yet established a suitable world order for the global economy. Critics of globalization raise concerns that in many countries multinational firms and their suppliers do not comply to human rights or to social and environmental standards. At the same time, local governments do not enforce these standards and transnational organizations are not allowed to intervene because of the principle of sovereignity. In the present paper I analyse the conclusions that can be drawn from economic free trade theory and from postmodern philosophy concerning the behaviour of multinational firms in developing countries. Despite their paradigmatical differences both these approaches come to similar results.


2020 ◽  
pp. 66-90
Author(s):  
ANA MARÍA LÓPEZ NARBONA

Western democratic nation-states are governing (im)migration through systemic indifference. Social order and the rule of law are not honored because immigrants are only subject to this new form of social control (necropolitics, refusal of entry in humanitarian crisis, border outsourcing, and permanent state of exception on borders). This article analyses different ways of governing migration through indifference, why systemic indifference is the new social control, and deepens in the internal contradictions of democratic nation-states in times of mass migrations, aged societies, populisms, and the reinforcement of whiteness. Do we confront a catharsis of democratic paradigms?


2020 ◽  
pp. 214-235
Author(s):  
Ilan Kapoor

This chapter assesses the relationship between the concepts of “queer” and “Third World,” and attempts to group them in their common inheritance of subjugation and disparagement and their shared allegiance precisely to nonalignment and a radical politics (of development). In assembling both terms one is struck by how, in the mainstream discourse of international development, the Third World comes off looking remarkably queer: under Western eyes, it has often been constructed as perverse, abnormal, and passive. Its sociocultural values and institutions are seen as deviantly strange — backward, effete, even effeminate. Its economic development is depicted as abnormal, always needing to emulate the West, yet never living up to the mark. For their part, post-colonial Third World nation-states have tended to disown and purge such queering — by denying their queerness and, in fact, often characterizing it as a “Western import” — yet at the same time imitating the West, modernizing or Westernizing sociocultural institutions, and pursuing neoliberal capitalist growth. The chapter claims that the Western and Third World stances are two sides of the same discourse but, drawing on Lacanian queer theory, also suggests that a “queer Third World” would better transgress this discourse by embracing queerness as the site of structural negativity and destabilizing politics.


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